Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
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Vicente Garrido Rebolledo<br />
Iran) (6) with the non-proliferation commitments, minimizing the disarmament<br />
clauses and obligations assumed by the de iure nuclear countries<br />
in the context of the NPT, especially at the 1995 and 2000 review conferences.<br />
However, throughout <strong>2009</strong> we have witnessed a highly favourable<br />
change in governments’ and civil society’s perception (especially that<br />
of the study and research centres, experts and specialist NGOs) of the<br />
future of the NPT, largely as a result of the expectations of the so-called<br />
«Obama effect» on the nuclear non-proliferation regime. As various<br />
government representatives pointed out during the third session of<br />
the Preparatory Committee (PrepCom) of the NPT Review Conference<br />
(New York, 4-15 May <strong>2009</strong>) «atmospherics are very important in discussions»<br />
on the NTP (Ireland). In addition, «the speeches made by leaders<br />
of nuclear-weapon states on disarmament are an important element<br />
because they create a positive psychological signal» (Brazil), although,<br />
as a representative of the League of Arab States recognised, «the «good<br />
intentions of the new Government of the United Status» are welcome,<br />
but «have yet to result in any tangible measures and do not diminish the<br />
need to address the obstacles and challenges that threaten the future of<br />
the Treaty» (7).<br />
Indeed, as the Ambassador on a Special Mission for Disarmament<br />
Affairs, Miguel Aguirre de Cárcer, pointed out at the beginning of <strong>2009</strong>,<br />
the non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament agenda had stalled and the<br />
mood was predominantly pessimistic. No substantial progress had been<br />
made in the strategic nuclear disarmament process since Presidents Bush<br />
and Putin signed the Treaty of Moscow in 2002. The 2005 NPT Review<br />
Conference had ended in a resounding failure. Cooperation between<br />
the five nuclear powers recognised by the NPT and permanent Security<br />
Council members was at its lowest. The Conference on Disarmament (CD)<br />
had been at a standstill for over 10 years. The Comprehensive Nuclear<br />
Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) of 1996 had not yet entered into force as it still<br />
had to be ratified by nine states, including the US. The lack of progress<br />
in the nuclear issues of North Korea and Iran aroused expectations of an<br />
(6) As pointed out, for example, by Eliot Kang and Judith Gough in their papers delivered<br />
at the international conference entitled «The future of the non-proliferation regime: prospects<br />
for the <strong>2010</strong> NPT Conference» organised by the INCIPE in Madrid on 19 November<br />
<strong>2009</strong>. See a summary of the conference in http://www.incipe.org/19nov<strong>2009</strong>.html.<br />
(7) The statements are published in CHOUBEY, Deepti, Restoring the NPT. Essential Steps<br />
for <strong>2010</strong>, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Washington DC, November <strong>2009</strong>,<br />
pp. 5-7, http://www.carnegieendowment.org/files/restoring_the_npt.pdf.<br />
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