Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
The AF PAK scenario<br />
that aiming to physically eliminate the Taliban and other enemies of the<br />
Kabul government has only served to spread the rebellion across a tribal<br />
territory in which vengeance is a basic duty and where the threshold of<br />
pain its inhabitants are prepared to tolerate has been very high for decades.<br />
To quote General McChrystal’s report «the insurgents cannot defeat<br />
us militarily but we can defeat ourselves».<br />
The high number of civilian victims has further contributed to weakening<br />
support for ISAF (although ISAF reckons that 80% of civilian casualties<br />
are caused by rebel action and only the rest by its own forces and those<br />
of Enduring Freedom) and accordingly to damaging the legitimacy of the<br />
coalition. According to the present analysis, ISAF’s methods are politically<br />
more dangerous and harmful than the insurgency itself. The use of firepower<br />
should therefore be limited, especially in situations in which civilian<br />
lives would be endangered or in populated areas, even though this would<br />
pose a greater risk to western troops in the theatre of operations and<br />
mean more casualties, making this option more costly in terms of western<br />
public opinion.<br />
The fact is that the insurgency, in its various forms, has not ceased<br />
to exploit the population’s discontentment with ISAF and Karzai’s government<br />
and has not had to offer anything in the way of development or<br />
social improvements of any kind. It has been sufficient for these insurgent<br />
groups to show their power and armed capability accompanied by the<br />
exercise of terror, intimidation and fast and simple justice based more on<br />
Pashtu tradition than on the Koran even in the unsophisticated version of<br />
the Taliban and similar groups such as Hizb-e-islami.<br />
Any reflection on counterinsurgency efforts brings us to the subject<br />
of the national and local police and to issues relating to the incapacity<br />
and corruption of Karzai’s government, as they are at the root of much<br />
of the dissatisfaction and rejection that it is being attempted to correct. It<br />
would therefore be appropriate to consider corruption almost as a major<br />
rather than a minor cause of the problems the coalition needs to tackle.<br />
This gives an idea of the complexity of the task it faces, which is none<br />
other than to support an unreliable and barely legitimate government even<br />
though what is needed is one that is responsive and responsible.<br />
The relationship between the military chiefs and political and diplomatic<br />
agents of the coalition will thus be one of the keys to progress in<br />
this direction. Civilian-military coordination will need to be more perfect<br />
than it has been up until now because the aim is not only to defend the<br />
— 132 —