Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
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José María Robles Fraga<br />
dangerous than ever. Pulling out of Afghanistan would not only end up ruining<br />
the country and plunging it into another civil war but would endanger<br />
the whole of central Asia, beginning with Pakistan and India.<br />
Changes in European and American opinions and the logical impatience<br />
of the allied governments will be a hard test of the United States’<br />
leadership and its ability to keep the coalition united and prevent premature<br />
unilateral withdrawals. For the first time in a history that began on 11<br />
September 2001, it will be forced to deliver winning results and a strategy<br />
with realistic goals and timeframes aimed at alleviating the political<br />
and military burden of the Afghan commitment in the foreseeable future.<br />
It is difficult to establish a final time limit, but it is necessary to lay the<br />
groundwork for a radical change of trend in Afghanistan in the decisive<br />
year 2011.<br />
NEED FOR AN INTERNATIONAL PRESENCE<br />
Since the Korean and Vietnam wars it has been common practice for<br />
the US media to raise the debate on the definition of military success and<br />
on the best way of reaching the point at which the troops can be sent<br />
home as soon as possible. However, the history of Afghanistan has shown<br />
that such a victory is always elusive there and that the most to which we<br />
can aspire is an arrangement or a balance that suits our interests, even in<br />
the knowledge that the Afghans’ ability to break any agreement and capacity<br />
for discord are more than notable and continuous. We would have to<br />
categorically deny that Afghanistan is a tomb of empires but at the same<br />
time remember that all the powers which have had some involvement in<br />
the region have had serious difficulties coping with and limiting damage<br />
to their interests and objectives as a result of their proximity or dealings<br />
with Afghan tribes.<br />
It is therefore advisable to start defining what we want to achieve,<br />
which is tantamount to stating why we have made the huge commitment<br />
of sending troops and generously spending taxpayers’ money in a place<br />
so remote from our traditional spheres of action. I assume that, beyond<br />
the rhetoric and United Nations lingo, there is sufficient consensus that<br />
we would settle for reaching an equilibrium in which a stable Kabul government<br />
backed by the international community could guarantee the minimum<br />
security of its territory and deny al-Qaeda and its allies the possibility<br />
of using Afghan soil for its global terrorist enterprise.<br />
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