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Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE

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Eduardo Serra Rexach<br />

Chapter VI written by Professor Vicente Garrido, Director of the INCIPE,<br />

an expert in this field.<br />

This is a decisive conference for the future of disarmament and non-proliferation<br />

and comes at a critical time; indeed, in the new strategic situation,<br />

with more active interlocutors than in the past, it is more necessary than<br />

ever for compliance with the Treaty obligations to be guaranteed and, above<br />

all, for the credibility of the NPT itself to be maintained. The expectations<br />

aroused by the advent of Barack Obama as US president are very great; in<br />

April <strong>2009</strong> Obama himself announced «America’s commitment to seek the<br />

peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons», and this declaration<br />

was confirmed by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in Paris at the start<br />

of the present year. This statement has brought about a highly favourable<br />

change in both governments and civil society and at L’Aquila in July <strong>2009</strong><br />

the G-8 reiterated its full commitment to the three pillars: non-proliferation,<br />

peaceful use of nuclear energy and disarmament, which has kindled new<br />

hope following the resounding failure of the 2005 review conference.<br />

Professor Garrido begins by asking about the why and wherefore of a<br />

NPT and considers that the question is best answered by explaining its<br />

vicissitudes from the birth of the idea of nuclear non-proliferation in 1961<br />

for the purpose of avoiding both a nuclear war and the accidental launch<br />

of these weapons. The treaty itself came into being in 1968, following the<br />

start of proliferation with the explosion of China’s first atomic bomb in<br />

October 1964.<br />

The history told by the professor is a history of success, as there are<br />

no more «de iure» nuclear states than there were before the treaty (the<br />

only new additions are the «de facto» nuclear states India, Pakistan and<br />

Israel), despite the discrimination established by its entry into force (in<br />

March 1970). Indeed, there were substantial differences between the regime<br />

applicable to the nuclear countries on which relatively few obligations<br />

were imposed (not to transfer nuclear weapons to another state or to<br />

assist a non-nuclear state in manufacturing or possessing these weapons),<br />

whereas the non-nuclear states were totally barred from manufacturing,<br />

receiving or possessing nuclear weapons and this prohibition was guaranteed<br />

by a verification system entrusted to the International Atomic Energy<br />

Agency (IAEA), while the research, production and use of nuclear energy<br />

for peaceful purposes was exempted from the prohibition. Therefore the<br />

treaty confirmed the status quo that existed at the time of its birth by consolidating<br />

the «right to nuclear weapons» of the countries that already had<br />

them and making it out of bounds in the future to those who did not have<br />

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