Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
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Eduardo Serra Rexach<br />
Chapter VI written by Professor Vicente Garrido, Director of the INCIPE,<br />
an expert in this field.<br />
This is a decisive conference for the future of disarmament and non-proliferation<br />
and comes at a critical time; indeed, in the new strategic situation,<br />
with more active interlocutors than in the past, it is more necessary than<br />
ever for compliance with the Treaty obligations to be guaranteed and, above<br />
all, for the credibility of the NPT itself to be maintained. The expectations<br />
aroused by the advent of Barack Obama as US president are very great; in<br />
April <strong>2009</strong> Obama himself announced «America’s commitment to seek the<br />
peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons», and this declaration<br />
was confirmed by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in Paris at the start<br />
of the present year. This statement has brought about a highly favourable<br />
change in both governments and civil society and at L’Aquila in July <strong>2009</strong><br />
the G-8 reiterated its full commitment to the three pillars: non-proliferation,<br />
peaceful use of nuclear energy and disarmament, which has kindled new<br />
hope following the resounding failure of the 2005 review conference.<br />
Professor Garrido begins by asking about the why and wherefore of a<br />
NPT and considers that the question is best answered by explaining its<br />
vicissitudes from the birth of the idea of nuclear non-proliferation in 1961<br />
for the purpose of avoiding both a nuclear war and the accidental launch<br />
of these weapons. The treaty itself came into being in 1968, following the<br />
start of proliferation with the explosion of China’s first atomic bomb in<br />
October 1964.<br />
The history told by the professor is a history of success, as there are<br />
no more «de iure» nuclear states than there were before the treaty (the<br />
only new additions are the «de facto» nuclear states India, Pakistan and<br />
Israel), despite the discrimination established by its entry into force (in<br />
March 1970). Indeed, there were substantial differences between the regime<br />
applicable to the nuclear countries on which relatively few obligations<br />
were imposed (not to transfer nuclear weapons to another state or to<br />
assist a non-nuclear state in manufacturing or possessing these weapons),<br />
whereas the non-nuclear states were totally barred from manufacturing,<br />
receiving or possessing nuclear weapons and this prohibition was guaranteed<br />
by a verification system entrusted to the International Atomic Energy<br />
Agency (IAEA), while the research, production and use of nuclear energy<br />
for peaceful purposes was exempted from the prohibition. Therefore the<br />
treaty confirmed the status quo that existed at the time of its birth by consolidating<br />
the «right to nuclear weapons» of the countries that already had<br />
them and making it out of bounds in the future to those who did not have<br />
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