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Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE

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The AF PAK scenario<br />

and end up becoming an arbitrary deadline more than a realistic and reasonable<br />

commitment.<br />

The aim is to do at once two things that are hardly compatible: significantly<br />

increase foreign military forces and encourage the Kabul authorities<br />

and Afghan security forces to take on their responsibility in a war which,<br />

after all, is theirs.<br />

The old Afghan saying that «you may have the watches but we have<br />

the time» could unfortunately prove true. To expect too much in such a<br />

short space of time could be the definitive error in this terrible land which<br />

is experiencing a different historical moment and in which life and death<br />

do not have the same worth as in the West. The huge amount of resources<br />

employed, the narrowness of the timeframe established and the impatience<br />

of governments and public opinions, beginning with those of the US,<br />

could become a simply deadly combination that causes terminal weariness<br />

in the US and the rest of the coalition.<br />

Even so, the success of this counterinsurgency effort will largely<br />

depend on the result of the overall regional strategy set in motion. This<br />

strategy springs from the recognition that we are dealing with a scenario<br />

that has two sides, with their differences—the Afghan side and the<br />

Pakistani side, and both need to be dealt with in order to deprive the insurgency<br />

and Jihadist terrorists of their main bases in the tribal territories at<br />

the border and at the same time defend Pakistan from the attacks of the<br />

Pakistani Taliban and al-Qaeda. Although improving the security situation<br />

in Afghanistan and stemming the advance of the insurgency does not<br />

depend solely on what happens in the FATA in Pakistan, hindering or destroying<br />

their operations at border areas or those of their allies based there<br />

would amount to eliminating a considerable tactical advantage which has<br />

enabled the Afghan Taliban first to survive following their expulsion from<br />

Kabul in 2002 and subsequently to regroup and reorganise themselves,<br />

with the invaluable collaboration of their Pakistani contacts in a tolerated<br />

exercise in duplicity which has proved devastating in the long run.<br />

In Afghanistan we should not forget that we are up against a shrewd<br />

and tenacious enemy who is capable of holding out and resisting. But<br />

complacency can be as perilous as self-deceit or lack of rigour. The Kabul<br />

government and Karzai himself will survive if they are capable of changing<br />

and taking note of the huge effort the international community is preparing<br />

to make. They cannot survive without it and although there are currently<br />

no alternatives to the discredited president and his coalition partners, nor<br />

— 134 —

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