Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
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The AF PAK scenario<br />
and end up becoming an arbitrary deadline more than a realistic and reasonable<br />
commitment.<br />
The aim is to do at once two things that are hardly compatible: significantly<br />
increase foreign military forces and encourage the Kabul authorities<br />
and Afghan security forces to take on their responsibility in a war which,<br />
after all, is theirs.<br />
The old Afghan saying that «you may have the watches but we have<br />
the time» could unfortunately prove true. To expect too much in such a<br />
short space of time could be the definitive error in this terrible land which<br />
is experiencing a different historical moment and in which life and death<br />
do not have the same worth as in the West. The huge amount of resources<br />
employed, the narrowness of the timeframe established and the impatience<br />
of governments and public opinions, beginning with those of the US,<br />
could become a simply deadly combination that causes terminal weariness<br />
in the US and the rest of the coalition.<br />
Even so, the success of this counterinsurgency effort will largely<br />
depend on the result of the overall regional strategy set in motion. This<br />
strategy springs from the recognition that we are dealing with a scenario<br />
that has two sides, with their differences—the Afghan side and the<br />
Pakistani side, and both need to be dealt with in order to deprive the insurgency<br />
and Jihadist terrorists of their main bases in the tribal territories at<br />
the border and at the same time defend Pakistan from the attacks of the<br />
Pakistani Taliban and al-Qaeda. Although improving the security situation<br />
in Afghanistan and stemming the advance of the insurgency does not<br />
depend solely on what happens in the FATA in Pakistan, hindering or destroying<br />
their operations at border areas or those of their allies based there<br />
would amount to eliminating a considerable tactical advantage which has<br />
enabled the Afghan Taliban first to survive following their expulsion from<br />
Kabul in 2002 and subsequently to regroup and reorganise themselves,<br />
with the invaluable collaboration of their Pakistani contacts in a tolerated<br />
exercise in duplicity which has proved devastating in the long run.<br />
In Afghanistan we should not forget that we are up against a shrewd<br />
and tenacious enemy who is capable of holding out and resisting. But<br />
complacency can be as perilous as self-deceit or lack of rigour. The Kabul<br />
government and Karzai himself will survive if they are capable of changing<br />
and taking note of the huge effort the international community is preparing<br />
to make. They cannot survive without it and although there are currently<br />
no alternatives to the discredited president and his coalition partners, nor<br />
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