Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
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The future of the nuclear non-proliferation regime: the <strong>2010</strong> NPT review conference<br />
The effect of the foregoing on the NPT was the creation of two regimes<br />
with different obligations in the Treaty depending on whether states<br />
were nuclear or non-nuclear states. For non-nuclear-weapon countries a<br />
total ban was established on the manufacture (even on technical assistance),<br />
acquisition, reception (direct or indirect) and/or storage of nuclear<br />
weapons or other explosive nuclear devices (article II). A system was also<br />
established whereby the IAEA could verify their civilian nuclear activities<br />
in order to prevent the diversion of fissionable material employed for peaceful<br />
ends to a banned military purpose (article III).<br />
For their part, the nuclear-weapon states undertook not to transfer<br />
nuclear weapons to any recipient either directly or indirectly and «not in<br />
any way to assist, encourage, or induce any non-nuclear-weapon State<br />
to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons» (article I). With<br />
respect to disarmament, the Treaty featured a general—and operationally<br />
highly controversial—clause which established the commitment of each<br />
Party to the Treaty «to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures<br />
relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to<br />
nuclear disarmament, and on a treaty on general and complete disarmament<br />
under strict and effective international control» (article VI).<br />
For the non-nuclear-weapon states, this provision signified that nuclear<br />
disarmament was an integral part of the obligations of the nuclear states<br />
under the NPT. On the contrary, the US and the USSR (it should be<br />
remembered that France and China did not sign the NPT until 1992) gave<br />
an a posteriori interpretation of the commitments relating to the cessation<br />
of the arms race and disarmament, pointing out that the article in question<br />
neither referred exclusively to the nuclear countries nor required the conclusion<br />
of agreements on disarmament and that it failed to establish the<br />
manner of conducting such agreements («in good faith») or a specific date<br />
for this («early» but not even «as soon as possible») (18).<br />
In the paragraph on the application of the nuclear safeguards, the<br />
resulting commitment was also uneven, as these safeguards would not be<br />
applied to the military activities of the nuclear-weapon states. America’s<br />
President Johnson made a unilateral statement on 2 December 1967 pointing<br />
out that the IAEA safeguard system would be applied to «all nuclear<br />
activities in the United States excluding only those with direct national<br />
(18) On the United States’ defence of these arguments see the statement by Stephen<br />
Rademaker, Assistant Secretary of State for Arms Control, US compliance with article VI<br />
of the NPT, 3 February 2005. http://www.acronym.org.uk/docs/0502/doc13.htm<br />
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