Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
Strategic Panorama 2009 - 2010 - IEEE
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The future of the nuclear non-proliferation regime: the <strong>2010</strong> NPT review conference<br />
ment agenda, and prefer direct negotiations between the P-5. These<br />
negotiations should initially take place at bilateral level between the United<br />
States and Russia and later be extended to the rest of the nuclear states<br />
within a restricted multilateral framework.<br />
The main criticism levelled by the non-nuclear countries is that the<br />
nuclear powers have not done enough to meet the objectives established<br />
in the action plan adopted in 2000. The former point out that the P-5 have<br />
systematically attempted to disassociate themselves and reinterpret the<br />
list of the «13 practical steps», claiming that what matters is not the issues<br />
relating to article VI of the NPT, but violations of the Treaty. Another example<br />
of the different perceptions of the priorities is the French-US alliance<br />
forged at the 2004 NPT Preparatory Committee in which references to the<br />
2000 document were minimal and, what is more, not even a document<br />
with recommendations for the 2005 conference was adopted (42).<br />
The US has traditionally been at the centre of the criticisms of failure to<br />
comply with disarmament commitments, beginning with former president<br />
Bush’s refusal to ratify the CTBT, failure to support the adoption of an<br />
FMCT (regarded as not effectively verifiable) and the doctrine on the use of<br />
nuclear weapons (in favour of negative security assurances for the States<br />
Parties to the NPT, but without relinquishing the use of nuclear weapons<br />
against a state possessing chemical and/or biological weapons) (43).<br />
In turn, the US decision to withdraw from the ABM Treaty (following<br />
its unilateral denunciation) on 13 June 2002 drove a wedge into bilateral<br />
relations between Washington and Moscow in disarmament and armaments<br />
control issues. Moscow viewed the ABM Treaty as the cornerstone<br />
of disarmament and retaliated to the US withdrawal by declaring itself no<br />
longer bound by the (Nuclear) <strong>Strategic</strong> Arms Reduction Treaty (START II)<br />
the following day, 14 June. The ABM Treaty was based on the principle<br />
of nuclear deterrence, according to which a country would abstain from<br />
using its nuclear weapons if it knew that the target state would respond<br />
with its own nuclear weapons. Under the Treaty the number of weapons<br />
and radars permitted was limited and it was agreed to use missiles only<br />
in the national territories. Both countries agreed not to manufacture any<br />
(42) For a summary of the results of the 2004 PrepCom see «Laying Substantive Groundwork<br />
for <strong>2010</strong>: Report of the <strong>2009</strong> NPT PrepCom», Disarmament Diplomacy, No. 91, summer<br />
<strong>2009</strong>, http://www.acronym.org.uk/dd/dd91/91npt.htm.<br />
(43) SCHEINMAN, Lawrence, «Disarmament: Have the five nuclear powers done enough?»,<br />
Arms Control Today, January-February 2005, http://www.armscontrol.org/act/2005_01-<br />
02/Scheinman.<br />
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