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Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 13 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 13 - From Marx to Mao

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AGAINST BOYCOTT19Secondly, this boycott <strong>to</strong>ok place under conditions <strong>of</strong> asweeping, universal, powerful, and rapid upswing <strong>of</strong> therevolution.Let us examine the first circumstance. All boycott isa struggle, not within the framework <strong>of</strong> a given institution,but against its emergence, or, <strong>to</strong> put it more broadly,against it becoming operative. Therefore, those who, likePlekhanov and many other Mensheviks, opposed the boycot<strong>to</strong>n the general grounds that it was necessary for a <strong>Marx</strong>ist<strong>to</strong> make use <strong>of</strong> representative institutions, therebyonly revealed absurd doctrinairism. To argue like thatmeant evading the real issue by repeating self-evidenttruths. Unquestionably, a <strong>Marx</strong>ist should make use <strong>of</strong> representativeinstitutions. Does that imply that a <strong>Marx</strong>istcannot, under certain conditions, stand for a struggle notwithin the framework <strong>of</strong> a given institution but againstthat institution being brought in<strong>to</strong> existence? No, it doesnot, because this general argument applies only <strong>to</strong> thosecases where there is no room for a struggle <strong>to</strong> prevent suchan institution from coming in<strong>to</strong> being. The boycott is acontroversial question precisely because it is a question<strong>of</strong> whether there is room for a struggle <strong>to</strong> prevent the emergence<strong>of</strong> such institutions. By their arguments againstthe boycott Plekhanov and Co. showed that they failed <strong>to</strong>understand what the question was about.Further. If all boycott is a struggle not within the framework<strong>of</strong> a given institution, but <strong>to</strong> prevent it from comingin<strong>to</strong> existence, then the boycott <strong>of</strong> the Bulygin Duma,apart from everything else, was a struggle <strong>to</strong> prevent awhole system <strong>of</strong> institutions <strong>of</strong> a monarchist-constitutionaltype from coming in<strong>to</strong> existence. The year 1905 clearlyshowed the possibility <strong>of</strong> direct mass struggle in the shape<strong>of</strong> general strikes (the strike wave after the Ninth <strong>of</strong> January6 ) and mutinies (Potemkin 7 ). The direct revolutionarystruggle <strong>of</strong> the masses was, therefore, a fact. No less afact, on the other hand, was the law <strong>of</strong> August 6, whichattempted <strong>to</strong> switch the movement from the revolutionary(in the most direct and narrow sense <strong>of</strong> the word) path <strong>to</strong>the path <strong>of</strong> a monarchist constitution. It was objectivelyinevitable that these paths should come in<strong>to</strong> conflict witheach other. There was <strong>to</strong> be, so <strong>to</strong> speak, a choice <strong>of</strong> paths

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