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Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 13 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 13 - From Marx to Mao

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410V. I. LENINgroup is <strong>of</strong> the opinion that the greatest injustice in theworld is the private ownership <strong>of</strong> the land” (<strong>13</strong>18).In the First Duma, Deputy Chizhevsky from Poltavasaid: “As an ardent advocate <strong>of</strong> the au<strong>to</strong>nomy idea, as anardent advocate <strong>of</strong> Ukrainian au<strong>to</strong>nomy in particular, Ishould very much like the agrarian question <strong>to</strong> be settledby my people, by individual au<strong>to</strong>nomous bodies, in thatau<strong>to</strong>nomous system <strong>of</strong> our state that I regard as the ideal”(14th session, May 24, 1906, p. 618). At the same time, thisUkrainian au<strong>to</strong>nomist deems state distributable lands <strong>to</strong>be absolutely essential, and he clarifies an issue which our“municipalisers” have muddled up. “We must firmly andpositively establish the principle,” said Chizhevsky, “thatthe state distributable lands must be managed exclusivelyby local self-governing Zemstvo or au<strong>to</strong>nomous bodies whenthese are set up. It may be asked: What sense is there inthe term ‘state distributable lands’ if in every particularcase they will be managed by local government bodies?I think there is very much sense.... First <strong>of</strong> all ... part <strong>of</strong>the state lands should be at the disposal <strong>of</strong> the central government... our state colonisation lands.... Secondly, thesense <strong>of</strong> establishing a state s<strong>to</strong>ck <strong>of</strong> distributable land, andthe sense <strong>of</strong> calling it such, is this: although the local bodieswill be free <strong>to</strong> dispose <strong>of</strong> that land in their respective areas,they will be able <strong>to</strong> do so only within certain limits” (620).This petty-bourgeois au<strong>to</strong>nomist understands the significance<strong>of</strong> state power in a society centralised by economicdevelopment far better than our Menshevik Social-Democrats.By the way, in dealing with Chizhevsky’s speech, wecannot leave unmentioned his criticism <strong>of</strong> “norms”. “Labournorm is an empty sound,” he says bluntly, pointing outthe diversity <strong>of</strong> agricultural conditions, and on the samegrounds he also rejects the “subsistence” norm. “I thinkland should be allotted <strong>to</strong> the peasants not according <strong>to</strong> anorm, but according <strong>to</strong> the amount <strong>of</strong> land available....The peasants should be given all that can be given in theparticular locality,”—for example, in Poltava Gubernia“land should be taken away from all the landowners, whoshould be left with an average <strong>of</strong> 50 dessiatins each at themost” (621). Is it surprising that the Cadets chatter aboutnorms in order <strong>to</strong> conceal their plans regarding the actual

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