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Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 13 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 13 - From Marx to Mao

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422V. I. LENINservice system, i.e., a direct survival <strong>of</strong> the corvée, cultivation<strong>of</strong> the land with the implements <strong>of</strong> the peasants andby the virtual enslavement <strong>of</strong> the small tillers in an endlessvariety <strong>of</strong> ways: winter hiring, annual leases, half-sharemétayage, leases based on labour rent, bondage for debt,bondage for cut-<strong>of</strong>f lands, for the use <strong>of</strong> forests, meadows,water, and so on and so forth, ad infinitum. Capitalist developmentin Russia has made such strides during the lasthalf-century that the preservation <strong>of</strong> serfdom in agriculturehas become absolutely impossible, and its abolition hasassumed the forms <strong>of</strong> a violent crisis, <strong>of</strong> a nation-wide revolution.But the abolition <strong>of</strong> serfdom in a bourgeois countryis possible in two ways.Serfdom may be abolished by the feudal-landlord economiesslowly evolving in<strong>to</strong> Junker-bourgeois economies, bythe mass <strong>of</strong> the peasants being turned in<strong>to</strong> landless husbandmenand Knechts, by forcibly keeping the masses down <strong>to</strong>a pauper standard <strong>of</strong> living, by the rise <strong>of</strong> small groups<strong>of</strong> Grossbauern, <strong>of</strong> rich bourgeois peasants, who inevitablyspring up under capitalism from among the peasantry. Thatis the path that the Black-Hundred landlords, and S<strong>to</strong>lypin,their minister, have chosen. They have realised thatthe path for the development <strong>of</strong> Russia cannot be clearedunless the rusty medieval forms <strong>of</strong> landownership are forciblybroken up. And they have boldly set out <strong>to</strong> breakthem up in the interests <strong>of</strong> the landlords. They have thrownoverboard the sympathy for the semi-feudal village communewhich until recently was widespread among the bureaucracyand the landlords. They have evaded all the “constitutional”laws in order <strong>to</strong> break up the village communesby force. They have given the kulaks carte blanche <strong>to</strong> robthe peasant masses, <strong>to</strong> break up the old system <strong>of</strong> landownership,<strong>to</strong> ruin thousands <strong>of</strong> peasant farms; they have handedover the medieval village <strong>to</strong> be “sacked and plundered” bythe possessors <strong>of</strong> money. They cannot act otherwise if theyare <strong>to</strong> preserve their class rule, for they have realised thenecessity <strong>of</strong> adapting themselves <strong>to</strong> capitalist developmentand not fighting against it. And in order <strong>to</strong> preserve theirrule they can find no other allies against the mass <strong>of</strong> thepeasants than the “upstarts”, the Razuvayevs and Kolupayevs.143 They have no alternative but <strong>to</strong> shout <strong>to</strong> these

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