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Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 13 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 13 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 13 - From Marx to Mao

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20V. I. LENINfor the immediate development <strong>of</strong> the revolution, a choicethat was <strong>to</strong> be determined, <strong>of</strong> course, not by the will <strong>of</strong>one or another group, but by the relative strength <strong>of</strong> therevolutionary and counter-revolutionary classes. And thisstrength could only be gauged and tested in the struggle.The slogan <strong>of</strong> boycotting the Bulygin Duma was, therefore,a slogan <strong>of</strong> the struggle for the path <strong>of</strong> direct revolutionarystruggle and against the constitutional-monarchistpath. Even on the latter path, <strong>of</strong> course, a strugglewas possible, and not only possible but inevitable. Evenon the basis <strong>of</strong> a monarchist constitution it was possible<strong>to</strong> continue the revolution and prepare for its new upswing;even on the basis <strong>of</strong> a monarchist constitution it was possibleand obliga<strong>to</strong>ry for the Social-Democrats <strong>to</strong> carry onthe struggle. This truism, which Axelrod and Plekhanovtried so hard and irrelevantly <strong>to</strong> prove in 1905, remainstrue. But the issue raised by his<strong>to</strong>ry was a different one:Axelrod and Plekhanov were arguing “beside the point”,or in other words, they side-stepped the issue which eventsput <strong>to</strong> the conflicting forces by introducing a questiontaken from the latest edition <strong>of</strong> the German Social-Democratictextbook. The impending struggle for the choice <strong>of</strong>a path <strong>of</strong> struggle was his<strong>to</strong>rically inevitable in the immediatefuture. The alternatives were these: was the oldauthority <strong>to</strong> convene Russia’s first representative institutionand thereby for a time (perhaps a very brief, perhapsa fairly long time) switch the revolution <strong>to</strong> the monarchistconstitutionalpath, or were the people by a direct assault<strong>to</strong> sweep away—at the worst, <strong>to</strong> shake—the old regime,prevent it from switching the revolution <strong>to</strong> the monarchistconstitutionalpath and guarantee (also for a more or lesslengthy period) the path <strong>of</strong> direct revolutionary struggle<strong>of</strong> the masses? That was the issue his<strong>to</strong>rically confrontingthe revolutionary classes <strong>of</strong> Russia in the autumn <strong>of</strong> 1905which Axelrod and Plekhanov at the time failed <strong>to</strong> notice.The Social-Democrats’ advocacy <strong>of</strong> active boycott wasitself a way <strong>of</strong> raising the issue, a way <strong>of</strong> consciously raisingit by the party <strong>of</strong> the proletariat, a slogan <strong>of</strong> the strugglefor the choice <strong>of</strong> a path <strong>of</strong> struggle.The advocates <strong>of</strong> active boycott, the Bolsheviks, correctlyinterpreted the question objectively posed by his-

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