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Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 13 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 13 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 13 - From Marx to Mao

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290V. I. LENINorder. That is its fundamental idea. Social-Democracymust not bind itself by decisions which pledge it <strong>to</strong> supportany particular form <strong>of</strong> economy. In this struggle <strong>of</strong> thenew social forces against the foundations <strong>of</strong> the old order,it is necessary <strong>to</strong> cut the tangled knot with a decisive stroke”(p. 125 <strong>of</strong> the Minutes). All that is quite true and splendidlystated. And it all speaks in favour <strong>of</strong> nationalisation,because the latter alone really “breaks up” the old medievalsystem <strong>of</strong> landownership, really cuts the tangled knot,and allows full freedom for the new farms <strong>to</strong> develop onthe nationalised land.The question arises by what criterion are we <strong>to</strong> determinewhether the new system <strong>of</strong> agriculture has alreadydeveloped sufficiently <strong>to</strong> have the division <strong>of</strong> the land adapted<strong>to</strong> it, and not <strong>to</strong> have a division that will perpetuatethe old obstacles <strong>to</strong> the new farming? There can be bu<strong>to</strong>ne criterion, that <strong>of</strong> practice. No statistics in the worldcan assess whether the elements <strong>of</strong> a peasant bourgeoisiein a given country have “hardened” sufficiently <strong>to</strong> enablethe system <strong>of</strong> landownership <strong>to</strong> be adapted <strong>to</strong> the system <strong>of</strong>farming. This can be assessed only by the mass <strong>of</strong> the farmersthemselves. The impossibility <strong>of</strong> assessing this at thepresent moment has been proved by the fact that the mass<strong>of</strong> the peasants have come forward in our revolution witha programme <strong>of</strong> land nationalisation. The small farmer,at all times and throughout the world, becomes so attached<strong>to</strong> his farm (if it really is his farm and not a piece <strong>of</strong> thelandlord’s estate let out on labour-service, as is frequentlythe case in Russia) that his “fanatical” defence <strong>of</strong> privateownership <strong>of</strong> the land is inevitable at a certain his<strong>to</strong>ricalperiod and for a certain space <strong>of</strong> time. If in the present epochthe mass <strong>of</strong> the Russian peasants are not displaying thefanaticism <strong>of</strong> private property owners (a fanaticism whichis fostered by all the ruling classes, by all the liberal-bourgeoispoliticians), but are putting forward a widespreadand firmly held demand for the nationalisation <strong>of</strong> the land,it would be childishness or stupid pedantry <strong>to</strong> attributeit <strong>to</strong> the influence <strong>of</strong> the publicists <strong>of</strong> Russkoye Bogatstvo 114or Mr. Chernov’s pamphlets. It is due <strong>to</strong> the fact that thereal conditions <strong>of</strong> life <strong>of</strong> the small cultiva<strong>to</strong>r, <strong>of</strong> the smallfarmer in the village, confront him with the economic prob-

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