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Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 13 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 13 - From Marx to Mao

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AGRARIAN PROGRAMME OF SOCIAL-DEMOCRACY271All this is true. But the Socialist-Revolutionaries arewrong in believing that “strong” words can obscure thefact that the crux <strong>of</strong> the matter is not the opportunism <strong>of</strong>Peshekhonov and Co., but the individualism <strong>of</strong> the smallfarmer. The point is not that the Peshekhonovs are pollutingthe ideological stream <strong>of</strong> the Socialist-Revolutionaries,but that the majority <strong>of</strong> the progressive peasant deputieshave revealed the real economic content <strong>of</strong> Narodism,the real aspirations <strong>of</strong> the small farmers. What the LandBills <strong>of</strong> the 104 in the First and Second Dumas* revealedwas the bankruptcy <strong>of</strong> the Socialist-Revolutionaries in face<strong>of</strong> the representatives <strong>of</strong> the broad, really all-Russian, peasantmasses.While declaring in favour <strong>of</strong> nationalisation <strong>of</strong> the land,the Trudoviks very clearly reveal in their Bill the “selfishand individualistic” aspirations <strong>of</strong> the small farmers. Theypropose <strong>to</strong> leave the allotments and the small private holdingsin the possession <strong>of</strong> their present owners (Clause 3<strong>of</strong> the Land Bill <strong>of</strong> the 104), provided legislative measuresare taken <strong>to</strong> ensure that they “gradually become the property<strong>of</strong> the whole nation”. Translated in<strong>to</strong> the language<strong>of</strong> real economic relations, it means just this: we take asour starting-point the interests <strong>of</strong> the real owners, <strong>of</strong> thereal, not the nominal, tillers <strong>of</strong> the soil, but we want theireconomic activity <strong>to</strong> develop quite freely on nationalised*** <strong>From</strong> the Stenographic Records <strong>of</strong> the Second Duma it appearsthat the Socialist-Revolutionary Mushenko introduced a Land Billsigned by 105 deputies. Unfortunately, I have not been able <strong>to</strong> obtaina copy <strong>of</strong> that Bill. Among the Duma materials I had at my disposalthere was only the Trudovik Bill <strong>of</strong> the 104 that was introduced inthe Second Duma <strong>to</strong>o. The existence <strong>of</strong> the Socialist-RevolutionaryBill <strong>of</strong> the 105 in addition <strong>to</strong> the two Trudovik Bills <strong>of</strong> the 104 (introducedin the First and Second Dumas) merely indicates, at best,that certain peasants wavered between the Popular Socialists and theSocialist-Revolutionaries, but it does not disprove what I have saidabove.** Incidentally, A. Finn-Yenotayevsky, in disputing the earnestnessand consciousness <strong>of</strong> the nationalisation aspirations <strong>of</strong> the PeasantUnion and <strong>of</strong> the peasantry in general, quoted the statement <strong>of</strong>V. Groman that the delegates <strong>to</strong> the peasants congresses “do not anticipatehaving <strong>to</strong> make any payment for the land”, and that they haveno idea that differential rent must revert <strong>to</strong> society as a whole. (A.Finn, The Agrarian Question and Social-Democracy, p. 69.) Clauses7 and 14 <strong>of</strong> the Bill <strong>of</strong> the 104 prove that this view is erroneous. In

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