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Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 13 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 13 - From Marx to Mao

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264V. I. LENINwhere is the connection between the beginning and the end<strong>of</strong> your argument?Thirdly, in speaking about the hopes placed in governmentauthority, Maslov makes it appear that the peasantsdo not understand the harmfulness <strong>of</strong> bureaucracy, do notunderstand the importance <strong>of</strong> local self-government, whereashe, the progressive Pyotr Maslov, does appreciate allthis. This criticism <strong>of</strong> the Narodniks is much <strong>to</strong>o simplified.A reference <strong>to</strong> the famous Land Bill (the Bill <strong>of</strong> the 104),which the Trudoviks introduced in the First and SecondDumas, will suffice <strong>to</strong> show the falsity <strong>of</strong> Maslov’s argument(or hint?). The facts show, on the contrary, that theprinciples <strong>of</strong> local self-government and <strong>of</strong> hostility <strong>to</strong>wardsa bureaucratic solution <strong>of</strong> the land problem are more clearlyexpressed in the Trudovik Bill than in the programme <strong>of</strong>the Social-Democrats written according <strong>to</strong> Maslov! In ourprogramme we speak only about “democratic principles” inelecting local bodies, whereas the Trudovik Bill (Clause 16)distinctly and directly provides for the election <strong>of</strong>local self-governing bodies on the basis <strong>of</strong> “universal, equaland direct suffrage by secret ballot”. Moreover, the Billprovides for local land committees—which, as is known,the Social-Democrats support—<strong>to</strong> be elected in the sameway, and which are <strong>to</strong> organise the discussion on the landreform and make preparations for carrying it out (Clauses17-20). The bureaucratic method <strong>of</strong> carrying out the agrarianreform was advocated by the Cadets, and not by theTrudoviks, by the liberal bourgeoisie, and not by the peasants.Why did Maslov have <strong>to</strong> dis<strong>to</strong>rt these well-knownfacts?Fourthly, in his remarkable “explanation” <strong>of</strong> why thesmall proprie<strong>to</strong>rs “had <strong>to</strong> declare in favour <strong>of</strong> nationalisation”,Maslov lays stress on the peasants’ hope <strong>of</strong> receivingprotection from the central authority. That is the point<strong>of</strong> distinction between municipalisation and nationalisation:in the one case there are local authorities, in the othercase, the central authority. That is Maslov’s pet idea, theeconomic and political implications <strong>of</strong> which we shalldeal with in greater detail further on. Here we will poin<strong>to</strong>ut that Maslov is dodging the question put <strong>to</strong> him by thehis<strong>to</strong>ry <strong>of</strong> our revolution, namely, why the peasants are

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