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Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 13 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 13 - From Marx to Mao

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288V. I. LENIN<strong>of</strong> it than private ownership. But what has that <strong>to</strong> do withthe “peasant agrarian revolution” in Russia? M. Shanin haspointed out the correct path, if you like, but it is the correctpath <strong>of</strong> a S<strong>to</strong>lypin agrarian reform, and not <strong>of</strong> a peasantagrarian revolution.* The difference between thetwo ways is entirely lost upon M. Shanin, and yet unlessthis difference is clearly realised, it is ridiculous <strong>to</strong> talkabout a Social-Democratic agrarian programme in the Russianrevolution. And when M. Shanin, prompted, <strong>of</strong> course,by the very best motives, defends confiscation againstredemption payments, he loses all sense <strong>of</strong> his<strong>to</strong>rical perspective.He forgets that in bourgeois society confiscation,i.e., expropriation without compensation, is as utterlyincompatible with reform as land nationalisation. To speak<strong>of</strong> confiscation while admitting the possibility <strong>of</strong> a reformistand not a revolutionary solution <strong>of</strong> the agrarian questionis like petitioning S<strong>to</strong>lypin <strong>to</strong> abolish landlordism.Another aspect <strong>of</strong> Shanin’s pamphlet is its heavy emphasison the agricultural character <strong>of</strong> our agrarian crisis,on the absolute necessity <strong>of</strong> adopting higher forms <strong>of</strong> economy,<strong>of</strong> improving agricultural technique, which is soincredibly backward in Russia, and so forth. Shanin elaboratesthese correct theses in such an incredibly one-sidedfashion, and he so completely ignores the abolition <strong>of</strong> thefeudal latifundia and the changing <strong>of</strong> agrarian relationshipsas a condition for that technical revolution, that an utterly* Shanin’s reference <strong>to</strong> the example <strong>of</strong> Ireland, showing thatprivate ownership preponderates over renting (and not over the nationalisation<strong>of</strong> the whole land), is not new either. In exactly the sameway, the “liberal” Pr<strong>of</strong>essor A. I. Chuprov cites Ireland <strong>to</strong> prove thatpeasant ownership <strong>of</strong> land is preferable. (The Agrarian Question, <strong>Vol</strong>. II,p. 11.) The real nature <strong>of</strong> this “liberal” and even “Constitutional-Democrat”is revealed on page 33 <strong>of</strong> his article. Here Mr. Chuprov, withincredible brazenness, the brazenness <strong>of</strong> a liberal that is possibleonly in Russia, proposes that on all the land-surveying commissionsthe peasants be subordinated <strong>to</strong> a majority <strong>of</strong> landlords! Five membersrepresenting the peasants and five, representing the landlords, with achairman “appointed by the Zemstvo Assembly”, i.e., by an assembly<strong>of</strong> landlords. An allusion <strong>to</strong> Ireland was also made in the First Dumaby the Right-wing deputy, Prince Drutsky-Lyubetsky, as pro<strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>the necessity for private ownership <strong>of</strong> land and as an argument againstthe Cadet Bill. (Sitting <strong>of</strong> May 24, 1906, p 626 <strong>of</strong> Stenographic Record.)

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