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THE LINGUISTICS STUDENT’S HANDBOOK 28<br />

are really adjectives at all. Or, if we are unwilling to accept such a conclusion,<br />

we need a bigger set of substitution frames to solve the problem – though such<br />

frames are not necessarily easy to produce.<br />

Then we have the problem that substitution classes frequently produce<br />

strange bed-fellows. If we take a substitution frame such as The ___ man, we<br />

might end up with the walk man, the remittance man, the fancy man, the lady’s<br />

man; we should at least be worried by calling all of these things ‘adjectives’.<br />

The problem for the structuralists is that there are too many possible substitution<br />

frames, some rather specific, some very general, and they all delimit<br />

different classes. Thus, in effect, we end up with a vast set of possible parts of<br />

speech, with little reason to believe that some are more important than others.<br />

Fortunately, linguists were saved from this quagmire by psychologists, or more<br />

specifically by one psychologist, Eleanor Rosch.<br />

Psychology to the rescue<br />

Rosch (e.g. 1978) argued that people do not view natural categories in terms of<br />

necessary and sufficient conditions. Rather, in many cases, they have a mental<br />

image of some kind of ideal, and members of the class which resemble the ideal<br />

closely are more quickly recognised than members which are distant from the<br />

ideal. Thus a robin (not the same bird in North America as in the United<br />

Kingdom or as in Australasia) is more easily recognised as a bird than an ostrich<br />

or a penguin, for example. These ideals Rosch unfortunately termed prototypes<br />

(this is quite out of keeping with earlier meanings of prototype; archetype<br />

or stereotype would have been a much better label, but it is too late to change<br />

that now). But however unfortunate the label, the idea is powerful and helpful.<br />

For now we can return to the notional theory of the parts of speech and give it<br />

a far firmer theoretical anchor than it used to have. Although traditional grammarians<br />

may have treated concepts like noun as prototypes, we had no way to<br />

theorise what they were doing, and it seemed that they were simply wrong.<br />

Now we have a theoretical framework within which to describe what is going<br />

on, and a more subtle idea of what a category might look like.<br />

Now we can say that the prototypical noun denotes some concrete individual<br />

object. We might be able to go further and suggest that the best examples of<br />

nouns (<strong>com</strong>pare robins as the best examples of birds) denote humans. So woman<br />

is a really good noun, close to the prototype, while criticism is a noun because<br />

our language happens to deal with it grammatically in much the same way as it<br />

deals with woman,but it is nevertheless further from the prototype. Similarly, a<br />

verb like kill is probably fairly close to the prototype for a verb, while seem is a<br />

lot further away. They belong to the same category because the language inflects<br />

them in the same way (kills, killed; seems, seemed). A prototypical adjective may<br />

fit all the frames in (3), but things can be adjectives and yet fit less well into our

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