North Korean Policy Elites - Defense Technical Information Center
North Korean Policy Elites - Defense Technical Information Center
North Korean Policy Elites - Defense Technical Information Center
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decision-making process. Moreover, because Kim Chong-il’s ruling style encourages rivalry<br />
among his officials, personal and professional jealousies sometimes develop into attritional<br />
recriminations between competing bureaucracies and key officials. Lack of close coordination<br />
among the concerned parties deprives public policies of coherence, continuity, and direction.<br />
Should such practices accumulate, the overall effectiveness of state policies will be substantially<br />
eroded, thus eventually undermining the legitimacy of the regime. 84<br />
System Vulnerabilities<br />
Many of the vulnerabilities of the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> system reside with the elite. It is a class<br />
that for decades has been insulated from the horrors that are experienced throughout the country.<br />
As the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> economy has deteriorated, many elites have opened trading companies to<br />
earn foreign currency. This in turn has led to increasing corruption and weakening of the<br />
cohesion of the privileged class. Since the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> system is based on “feudal service<br />
nobility,” where loyalty is ensured through privilege, if the regime loses its ability to placate the<br />
elite through goods and services, there is a real chance of the creation of factions. 85 At first these<br />
factions will compete with each other for the ever-declining privileges; if the situation persists,<br />
this factionalism could transform itself into centers of opposition to the regime.<br />
Another weakness results from the graft and corruption within the security apparatus. As<br />
ideological faith and their devotion to the revolution and its leader are weakened within the<br />
Praetorian Guard, Kim Chong-il will increasingly require the means to buy the loyalty that faith<br />
and devotion no longer inspire. If he lacks the resources to buy this loyalty, he must allow the<br />
cadre to engage in the irregular and corrupt to ensure their survival. Naturally, members of the<br />
security services have a special advantage because they are in charge of monitoring and checking<br />
such activities. Thus, when the agency responsible for enforcing loyalty itself becomes corrupt<br />
and, therefore, less controllable, fault lines are created in the system. And, thus looms the<br />
prospect of increasing corruption and systemic loss of balance, with concomitant consequences<br />
for both the viability of the regime and the “rationality” of its leader.<br />
84 Ken Gause, The <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> Leadership: Evolving Regime Dynamics in the Kim Chong-il Era. Alexandria, VA:<br />
The CNA Corporation, September 2003.<br />
85 At times, cracks have been rumored to exist within Kim Chong-il’s core constituency. In the late 1990s, such<br />
stalwart supporters as Kim Kuk-tae, Kim Ki-nam, and Kim Yong-sun were rumored to be frustrated by lack of<br />
influence and access, when Kim Chong-il tended not to accept policy proposals they made. Nothing much seemed<br />
to materialize from this discontent; however, it did reveal that as the system came under increasing economic and<br />
political pressure, cracks could appear even within Kim Chong-il’s inner sanctum.<br />
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