North Korean Policy Elites - Defense Technical Information Center

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oth in the Politburo and as a vice president), Yang Hyong-sop, and Kang Chu-il (a maternal nephew of Kim Il-sung, who was the first deputy director of the KWP CC United Front Department). Within the Central Committee, the number of Kim relatives has climbed slightly since the 1980s, but is down from the 1970s (Table 2). Table II-2. Kim Family Members in the Central Committee* 10 1970s 1980s 1990s Numbers Percentage Numbers Percentage Numbers Percentage Family 9 7.8 9 6.2 12 6.7 *Missing value: 1970s-107, 1980s-136, 1990s-166 As for those within the top 30 of the leadership, the percentage dropped dramatically by the outset of the Kim Chong-il regime (Table 3). Table II-3. Kim Family Members in the Central Committee Leadership* 11 1970s 1980s 1990s Numbers Percentage Numbers Percentage Numbers Percentage Family 5/9 55.6 5/9 55.6 5/12 41.7 *Family within the top 30 ranking Central Committee members. One area where blood relationships have increased is among relatives of key Kim Chongil supporters, thus creating a fabric of familial relationships in support of the regime. For example, Chang Song-taek’s two brothers began to rise in prominence under Kim Chong-il. Chang Song-u, who had begun his rise under Kim Il-sung, was appointed the commander of the 3 rd Corps, while Chang Song-kil, was made deputy commander of the 4 th Corps. This has allowed Kim Chong-il to create a web of connections spread across several families. 12 Under Kim Chong-il, the family-based patronage system, therefore, appears to have been replaced by a relationship-based system. The succession struggle of the 1970s between Kim Yang-chu and Kim Chong-il, as well as the internal struggles within the Kim family following Kim Il-sung’s death, convinced Kim Chong-il to place increasing emphasis on a selected group 10 Based on statistics provided by Yi U-young, “Character Change of North Korean Elites,” Korean Institute for National Unification (2002) (in Korean). 11 Ibid. 12 This is a power-building strategy popular to regimes in the Middle East. The belief is that by investing many key families in the fate of the regime, risk is dispersed and the fabric of protection is strengthened. See author’s article “Can Saddam’s Security Apparatus Save Him?” Jane’s Intelligence Review (November 2002). II-10
of associates who trace their relationship to him from different angles. This not only necessitated a very cautious power building strategy based on letting first generation leaders die off and elevating second generation leaders to key posts, it also made it vital that Kim Chong-il not tie his ability to lead strictly to the formal leadership. 13 As such, Kim retains some of Kim Il-song’s close associates to serve as a bridge to the country’s revolutionary past. Most of the key positions within the regime, however, are occupied by people of Kim’s generation who hail from the Three Revolution Movement squads, the classmates of the Mangyongdae Revolutionary Institute, and the graduates of the Nassan School and the Kim Il-sung University, all key institutions in Kim Chong-il’s background. The table below illustrates some of the most prominent leaders within the Kim Chong-il regime and their critical relationships. Table II-4. Illustrative Relationships in the Kim Chong-il Regime Name Position Relationship(s) Kim Kyong-hui Director, KWP Light Industry Department Kim Yong-nam President, SPA Brother of Kim Tu-nam, former military aide –decamp to Kim Il-sung and Kim Ki-nam. May be related to Kim Chong-il through marriage. Kim Yong-sun Former KWP Secretary for ROK/Japan Affairs (deceased) Close friend of Kim Kyong-hui Yon Hyong-muk Member NDC Related to a partisan compatriot of Kim Il-sung. Yon also reportedly had a close relationship with the late Kim. Kim Chol-Man Former Member NDC Kim Chong-il Relationship Kim Chong-il’s sister. Wife of Chang Songtaek. In 1960s, helped purge KWP International Department of Pak Kum-chol/Pak Yongkuk faction. Economic adviser to Kim Chong-il. Worked in the OGD and Three Revolution Teams. Worked with Kim Chong-il in establishing Kim Ilsung’s system of unitary leadership. 13 The most insightful work being done on Kim Chong-il’s power building strategy is by Jei Guk Jeon, a freelance scholar in Seoul. Jei argues that Kim has employed a balancing act between political forces. This strategy, which is characterized by inclusive politics, honor-power sharing arrangements, and divide-and-rule tactics, has turned out to be an effective way of clearing away potential cleavages built into the ruling circle. See “The Politics of Mourning Ritual in North Korea (1994-1997),” World Affairs (Winter 2000); “North Korean Leadership: Kim Jong-il’s Intergenerational Balancing Act,” The Strategic Forum, No. 152 (December 1998). II-11
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INSTITUTE FOR DEFENSE ANALYSES Nort
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INSTITUTE FOR DEFENSE ANALYSES IDA
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CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY & INTROD
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To write accurately about North Kor
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technocrats, provincial and county
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PREFACE This paper will examine in
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ABBREVIATIONS AGI CCSKA COMSEC DoD
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information streams, and from him t
Page 26 and 27: within the hands of a few individua
Page 28 and 29: and whether or not he will embarras
Page 30 and 31: to the lowest-levels of the KPA. As
Page 32 and 33: strengthening of all armed forces,
Page 34 and 35: esearch institutes and “think tan
Page 36 and 37: The primary missions of the Reconna
Page 38 and 39: communication that generally fall o
Page 40 and 41: of the State Security Department or
Page 42 and 43: maintaining strict control over the
Page 44 and 45: agencies in the ROK and Japan began
Page 46 and 47: The Guard and Security Commands, wh
Page 48 and 49: eports that are funneled up through
Page 50 and 51: Complicating the entire “Kim-cent
Page 52 and 53: Within the military, this dynamic c
Page 54 and 55: him that all significant orders and
Page 56 and 57: Until the 1990s, the electronic med
Page 59: II. THE NORTH KOREAN LEADERSHIP: SY
Page 62 and 63: TABLES 1. Key Family Members in the
Page 64 and 65: The factional struggles in North Ko
Page 67 and 68: A. INTRODUCTION By definition, a to
Page 69 and 70: C. THE TECHNOLOGY OF POWER A Party
Page 71 and 72: document control bureaus in each mi
Page 73 and 74: Originally implemented in 1994 and
Page 75: Table II-1. Key Family Members in t
Page 79 and 80: September 9, 2003, showed a change
Page 81 and 82: Chart II-2: Secretariat 5. Kye Ung-
Page 83 and 84: Members 1. Yi Ul-sul 4. Yi Yong-mu
Page 85 and 86: Table II-6. Kim Chong-il’s Princi
Page 87 and 88: Table II-7. Kim Chong-il’s Person
Page 89 and 90: chance to unfold. In terms of syste
Page 91 and 92: domestic policy arena, the split is
Page 93 and 94: At the second echelon of power, Kim
Page 95 and 96: D. FLOW OF INFORMATION George Kenna
Page 97 and 98: about things that affect their care
Page 99 and 100: (ID) and External Liaison (ELD) dep
Page 101 and 102: For the rest of the North Korean le
Page 103 and 104: the focus for not only a significan
Page 105 and 106: At the 11 th Supreme People’s Ass
Page 107 and 108: There is little doubt that one of t
Page 109 and 110: decision-making process. Moreover,
Page 111: III. THE WELL-INFORMED CADRE RALPH
Page 115 and 116: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY DEFINITIONS AND A
Page 117: greater access to first-hand inform
Page 120 and 121: The first question addressed by thi
Page 122 and 123: But this lack of enthusiasm is prob
Page 124 and 125: as the 1950s. 16 The security organ
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Another way to look at divisions wi
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Because the Kim regime governs acco
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guess is that anyone who rises in t
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But even though the media serve as
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Newspapers The DPRK’s premier new
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motivation in its readers through m
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Page 2: • Kim Jong-suk’s develo
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This selection of news items presen
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in the wake of the U.S. propaganda
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the general audience in a two-step
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also countries surrounding the Kore
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that the war in Iraq was “a test
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and transform us internally through
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eceived with little thought and has
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outside world than the ordinary wor
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cognitive dissonance, particular ca
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IV. INSIDE NORTH KOREA’S BLACK BO
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The North Korean
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A. BETTER, MERRIER, MORE HOPEFUL LI
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In contrast, the optimists believe
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to the throne. The State Council us
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1976-1977, 4 and in 1986-1987 (see
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Bulgarian Trade Unions, after which
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Second, the principal objective of
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southward expansion, and, last but
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controlling some of North Korea’s
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also against the second-tier family
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Kim Sung-ae, who is Kim Il Sung’s
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“National Security Establishment
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October 1980. Many of them (Yon Hyo
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severe draught in 1988 and the dram
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The advent of the “Songun Era”
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IV-30
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Bearing in mind Kim Jong Il’s rec
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Table IV-2. Composition of the Nort
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Cabinet Posts 10 th SPA 11 th SPA R
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Eastern Europe. That was reportedly
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Table IV-5. Leading Ideologues Insi
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Table IV-7. Regional Origins of Top
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“Foreign Wind” The “foreign w
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Table IV-10. Some of the Most Influ
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Table IV-11. The North-South “Han
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Song Sok Hwan Vice-Minister Cha Sun
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Table IV-13. Korean-American “Int
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content and government monitoring.
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Northern security, military, and pa
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APPENDIX B TONGIL STREET FREE MARKE
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V. REACHING INTO NORTH KOREA DAVID
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY North Korea is no
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message right to Kim Jong-il, and m
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isk escape from the hermit kingdom.
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Society is divided into three broad
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contradictions.” 17 This makes se
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Internet is not specifically mentio
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led to a training program for young
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North Korea’s exports from legiti
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een the biggest buyers of ivory ove
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worker who travels throughout North
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If we want to reach into North Kore
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conversations with the correct mix
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Although the future of cellular tel
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There are a host of other things on
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Each of the five papers in this col
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promotions) and punishments (e.g.,
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although presumably all calls are m
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cultural rules.” Given the “str
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Speaking of Kim, whom does he consu
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Terms of Reference: North Korean Po
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Joseph S. Bermudez Jr. is an intern
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APPENDIX C ASIAN VIEWS OF NORTH KOR
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In any case, the reforms provide a
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View from Seoul The single most imp
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