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North Korean Policy Elites - Defense Technical Information Center

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work, monitor their communications, and ensure that Kim Jong Il knows everything about each<br />

one of his relatives, whereas his own secrecy and privacy are well preserved and no one knows<br />

anything about him. Marshal Li Ul-Sol, 16 Kim Il Sung’s closest long-time aide and confident, his<br />

former personal aide de camps, and one of Kim Jong Il’s trusted elders, has been the Chief of the<br />

Secret Service since 1982. He is a very influential figure in the top leadership. But, because of<br />

Marshal Li Ul Sol’s advanced age, the day-to-day operations are believed to be handled by one<br />

of Kim Jong Il’s in-laws, Vice-Marshal Chang Sung-U, who is Li Ul-Sol’s first deputy. The<br />

Secret Service is a real player, albeit cautious and surreptitious, in all the internal family power<br />

feuds.<br />

“Power Transmission Belts”<br />

Five major political forces affecting all spheres of the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> life, namely the<br />

national security establishment, the old guard, the technocrats, the local elites, and the “foreign<br />

wind,” approach the “extended family clan” with their own visions for national development and<br />

policy recommendations for the burning issues of the day, and attempt with different degrees of<br />

success to penetrate and influence the Kim “family court” in order to ensure the representation of<br />

their corporate interests at the heart of national decision-making at the time of political<br />

succession.<br />

These five “transmission belts” connect the “hub” of the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> policy-making,<br />

the Dear Leader and Supreme Commander-in-Chief Kim Jong Il, with the “outer circle” of the<br />

<strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> elites, the brain-feeding tubes at the center and in provinces, who also constitute<br />

the “protective belt,” absorbing external shocks and safe-guarding the regime from mass<br />

discontent.<br />

Party membership serves as an entry ticket into the elite club, but increasingly it is taken<br />

for granted and is no longer sufficient for the new nomenclature. Access to state assets, prestige,<br />

and power, accumulation of private wealth, or government licensing authority is a must to<br />

qualify for the new elite status. Among the members of the same interest-based establishment,<br />

there may exist significant value gaps on the ideological continuums from conservative to liberal<br />

and from moderate to radical. But, different “transmission belts” tend to articulate and aggregate<br />

divergent strategic priorities and policy preferences among the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> elites.<br />

16 Li Ul-Sol was born in 1920 in South Hamgyong Province. He served in the Chinese Communist Eighth Route<br />

Armies together with Kim Il Sung in the 1930s and graduated from the Soviet Military Academy in the 1950s. He<br />

became a corps commander in 1962 and commander of the Fifth Army Group in 1968. He has been a member of<br />

the WPK Central Military Committee since 1980 and a member of the National <strong>Defense</strong> Commission since 1990.<br />

He was promoted to vice-marshal in 1992 and to full marshal in 1995.<br />

IV-20

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