North Korean Policy Elites - Defense Technical Information Center

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conversations with the correct mix of obsequiousness and sycophancy. The same would apply to anyone fortunate enough to surf the web and to businesses that may gain access to E Mail. A labor camp is in store for anyone caught tampering with an official radio or concealing an illegal one. In such a regimented society, the cognitive impediments to communication, though harder to see, may outweigh physical barriers and fear of punishment. Doubting is a lonely occupation in a society like North Korea. This can plunge most humans into feelings of isolation and anomie. The only way out is to let go and rejoin the group. Still, some North Koreans surely harbor doubts about their system, but they have no intellectual framework in which to consider alternatives. Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il are the only authority figures they have ever known. And they have been taught since infancy that the systems in South Korea and the U.S. are embodiments of evil. To confuse them further, they may hear attacks on America and the U.S.-ROK alliance on South Korean radio. North Korean skeptics may wonder if South Korea and the U.S. are as demonic as depicted in the North, but they still have no coherent construct for an alternative to the Dear Leader. Perhaps most important, Oh and Hassig point out that, despite doubts, the North Korean “elite believe(s) in socialism as a utopian idea... and probably also firmly believes in the importance of national pride, independence and economic self-reliance.” 75 Hwang Jang-yop’s recent Capitol Hill appearance is instructive in this regard. Repeatedly badgered by Korean expatriates about whether he should move to the U.S. to wage a more effective opposition to Kim Jong-il, a bristling Hwang retorted, “I am not a defector; I am a Korean living in Korea.” 76 Any messages we aim at North Koreans must be carefully and tactfully crafted. N. SOME THOUGHTS ABOUT LENGTHENING OUR REACH Echoing Hwang-Jang-yop’s thought used as the preface to this paper, Oh and Hassig write that “if more North Koreans had the courage to take exit or voice action in the face of the totalitarian regime, Korean reunification would come sooner rather than later.” 77 They are right, but North Koreans will need more information from the outside to do this, and that can only come from South Korea and the United States. Radio is probably the single most potent means to reach into North Korea. 75 Oh & Hassig, p. 38. 76 Hwang Jang-yop, “What America Needs To Know About North Korea,” speech to the Defense Forum Foundation, October 31, 2003. 77 Oh & Hassig, p. xiv. V-20
At a time when South Korea is reportedly watering down the content of KBS Social Education Broadcasting, broadcast objectives should be reviewed. Escapees report listening to foreign broadcasts, particularly for accurate news about North Korea. 78 With accurate news about North Korea as a base, the analysis in this paper suggests that broadcasts should target particular divisions in North Korean society and overcome cognitive dissonance by offering a sense of belonging and alternative frameworks. Some content should be designed to appeal to small entrepreneurs and exporters, IT professionals, and younger members of the elite, generally. Moreover, it should be carefully considered to overcome cognitive dissonance. Oh and Hassig point out that members of the North Korean elite are probably proud to be Korean and they believe in socialism as an ideal, bringing independence and economic selfreliance. Therefore, broadcasts should not attack these values. For example, exposing the corruption of Kim Jong-il, state capitalists, and Bureau 39 may be more effective than a stark capitalism versus socialism theme. Naturally, broadcasts should be by Koreans for Koreans, and Korean expatriates need to ensure that the message is about Koreans in the North, not Koreans in Los Angeles. As individuals become disassociated with the all-encompassing Kim Jong-il regime, broadcasts should help fill in a sense of belonging and alternative frameworks. Stories about how escapees felt before they left the North, or about people in, say, the IT professions in South Korea might appeal. Far more difficult is to offer an alternative framework to a person who has been taught from infancy that Kim Jong-il is everything. 79 “We helped them realize North Korean society’s problems by informing them what Christianity is and what kind of figure Jesus is,” said Han Ki-pung of the private Far East Broadcasting. 80 It is unnecessary to judge the message to see that this station is providing an alternative framework for North Korean listeners. In addition to messages like this, what is sorely needed to counter Kim Jong-il’s vision of a united Korea is a South Korean vision of an independent, democratic, peaceful, and prosperous Korea. Although radio can be very powerful, there are a number of other measures we should consider to strengthen our reach into North Korea. 78 Paek Sung-ku. 79 The captain of the North Korean women’s soccer team provided a sad example of the complete lack of alternative frameworks before a recent World Cup match in Philadelphia. “I am determined to bring joy and happiness to Kim Jong-il,” was her only comment to an American sports writer. Gildea, William, “More Great Feats for Hamm, U.S. Women,” p. D1, Washington Post, September 26, 2003. 80 Paek Sung-ku. V-21
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INSTITUTE FOR DEFENSE ANALYSES Nort
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INSTITUTE FOR DEFENSE ANALYSES IDA
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CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY & INTROD
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To write accurately about North Kor
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technocrats, provincial and county
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PREFACE This paper will examine in
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ABBREVIATIONS AGI CCSKA COMSEC DoD
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information streams, and from him t
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within the hands of a few individua
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and whether or not he will embarras
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to the lowest-levels of the KPA. As
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strengthening of all armed forces,
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esearch institutes and “think tan
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The primary missions of the Reconna
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communication that generally fall o
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of the State Security Department or
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maintaining strict control over the
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agencies in the ROK and Japan began
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The Guard and Security Commands, wh
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eports that are funneled up through
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Complicating the entire “Kim-cent
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Within the military, this dynamic c
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him that all significant orders and
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Until the 1990s, the electronic med
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II. THE NORTH KOREAN LEADERSHIP: SY
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TABLES 1. Key Family Members in the
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The factional struggles in North Ko
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A. INTRODUCTION By definition, a to
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C. THE TECHNOLOGY OF POWER A Party
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document control bureaus in each mi
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Originally implemented in 1994 and
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Table II-1. Key Family Members in t
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of associates who trace their relat
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September 9, 2003, showed a change
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Chart II-2: Secretariat 5. Kye Ung-
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Members 1. Yi Ul-sul 4. Yi Yong-mu
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Table II-6. Kim Chong-il’s Princi
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Table II-7. Kim Chong-il’s Person
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chance to unfold. In terms of syste
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domestic policy arena, the split is
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At the second echelon of power, Kim
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D. FLOW OF INFORMATION George Kenna
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about things that affect their care
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(ID) and External Liaison (ELD) dep
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For the rest of the North Korean le
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the focus for not only a significan
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At the 11 th Supreme People’s Ass
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There is little doubt that one of t
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decision-making process. Moreover,
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III. THE WELL-INFORMED CADRE RALPH
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY DEFINITIONS AND A
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greater access to first-hand inform
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The first question addressed by thi
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But this lack of enthusiasm is prob
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as the 1950s. 16 The security organ
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Another way to look at divisions wi
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Because the Kim regime governs acco
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guess is that anyone who rises in t
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But even though the media serve as
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Newspapers The DPRK’s premier new
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motivation in its readers through m
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Page 2: • Kim Jong-suk’s develo
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This selection of news items presen
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in the wake of the U.S. propaganda
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the general audience in a two-step
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also countries surrounding the Kore
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that the war in Iraq was “a test
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and transform us internally through
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eceived with little thought and has
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outside world than the ordinary wor
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cognitive dissonance, particular ca
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IV. INSIDE NORTH KOREA’S BLACK BO
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The North Korean
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A. BETTER, MERRIER, MORE HOPEFUL LI
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In contrast, the optimists believe
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to the throne. The State Council us
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1976-1977, 4 and in 1986-1987 (see
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Bulgarian Trade Unions, after which
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Second, the principal objective of
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southward expansion, and, last but
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controlling some of North Korea’s
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also against the second-tier family
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Kim Sung-ae, who is Kim Il Sung’s
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“National Security Establishment
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October 1980. Many of them (Yon Hyo
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severe draught in 1988 and the dram
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The advent of the “Songun Era”
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IV-30
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Bearing in mind Kim Jong Il’s rec
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Table IV-2. Composition of the Nort
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Cabinet Posts 10 th SPA 11 th SPA R
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Eastern Europe. That was reportedly
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Page 212 and 213: Table IV-11. The North-South “Han
Page 214 and 215: Song Sok Hwan Vice-Minister Cha Sun
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Page 223: APPENDIX B TONGIL STREET FREE MARKE
Page 227: V. REACHING INTO NORTH KOREA DAVID
Page 231 and 232: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY North Korea is no
Page 233: message right to Kim Jong-il, and m
Page 236 and 237: isk escape from the hermit kingdom.
Page 238 and 239: Society is divided into three broad
Page 240 and 241: contradictions.” 17 This makes se
Page 242 and 243: Internet is not specifically mentio
Page 244 and 245: led to a training program for young
Page 246 and 247: North Korea’s exports from legiti
Page 248 and 249: een the biggest buyers of ivory ove
Page 250 and 251: worker who travels throughout North
Page 252 and 253: If we want to reach into North Kore
Page 256 and 257: Although the future of cellular tel
Page 258 and 259: There are a host of other things on
Page 261 and 262: Each of the five papers in this col
Page 263 and 264: promotions) and punishments (e.g.,
Page 265 and 266: although presumably all calls are m
Page 267 and 268: cultural rules.” Given the “str
Page 269: Speaking of Kim, whom does he consu
Page 273: Terms of Reference: North Korean Po
Page 277 and 278: Joseph S. Bermudez Jr. is an intern
Page 279: APPENDIX C ASIAN VIEWS OF NORTH KOR
Page 282 and 283: In any case, the reforms provide a
Page 284 and 285: View from Seoul The single most imp
Page 287: Form Approved REPORT DOCUMENTATION
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