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North Korean Policy Elites - Defense Technical Information Center

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complex tools and a larger staff to open a wider channel of communication to the environment.<br />

In the relatively complex post-Cold War environment, have <strong>North</strong> Korea’s communication<br />

channels been broadened, as the theory suggests they should have been? Is <strong>North</strong> Korea<br />

suffering from a widening information gap? If so, are some of the elite motivated to narrow that<br />

gap?<br />

Communication is the means by which groups organize, and by the same token,<br />

communication is used to influence and control group members. The <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> people are<br />

subjected to a constant stream of communications telling them what to do and what to think. Are<br />

these communications effective, or are they largely ignored? <strong>Information</strong> also travels in the<br />

opposite direction, as people’s reactions and feedback flow upward, influencing the leaders in<br />

terms of making their job easier or more difficult. One of the managerial problems that the <strong>North</strong><br />

<strong>Korean</strong> elite encounter is that misinformation and disinformation hamper their decision making.<br />

Within a group or society, control is also exercised horizontally, as individuals and groups at the<br />

same level provide or withhold information, and sometimes compete against each other (as<br />

illustrated by the rivalry between different security organizations). A brief summary of<br />

communication flows within <strong>North</strong> Korea might look like this: communications from outside are<br />

usually blocked; communications among the people are restricted; communications from the<br />

people to their leaders are not to be trusted; and communications from the leaders to the people<br />

are ignored as much as possible.<br />

The simplest way for <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong>s to get information about the outside world is to read,<br />

listen, and watch their domestic media, which provide both news and a context for interpreting<br />

the news. The philosophy of news reporting adhered to by the government-controlled press is the<br />

same as the philosophy found in other communist and former communist states. According to<br />

this view, the purpose of news is not to satisfy the idle curiosity of the audience, but rather to<br />

shape them into the hardworking and loyal citizens their leaders wish them to be. As Lenin said,<br />

“Newspapers are free not for the sake of the circulation of news but for the purpose of educating<br />

and organizing the working masses toward the attainment of goals clearly defined by the<br />

thoroughgoing leadership of the party.” 34<br />

Article 67 of <strong>North</strong> Korea’s constitution provides for “freedom of press, publication,<br />

assembly, demonstration, and association,” but “freedom” is defined as what is best for the<br />

masses. 35 Of course, what is best for the masses is determined entirely by those who are in power.<br />

34 Quoted in Yu Chae-chon, Pukhanui Ollon [Media in <strong>North</strong> Korea], December 30, 1990, pp. 45-84. One of a series<br />

of FBIS translated articles on this topic. FBIS KPP20031009000071.<br />

35 According to Kim Pyong-ho, vice director general of KCNA, in an interview with No Kil-nam, editor of Minjok<br />

Tongsin (of Los Angeles), September 8, 2003. FBIS KPP20030930000082.<br />

III-13

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