North Korean Policy Elites - Defense Technical Information Center

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him that all significant orders and directions issue forth. For the nation in general, and the military specifically, this flow is vertical. In most militaries in the world, information flows both up and down the chain of command and horizontally at each level, while orders flow down. Within the KPA, information flows up the chain of command and only orders flow down. There is extremely little horizontal flow of information or communications except at the highest levels. This vertical flow of information is a means of maintaining strict control over the KPA. The belief is that if major units were allowed to communicate horizontally, they could unite and possibly stage a coup. This flow of information is convoluted - almost Byzantine at times - as it moves through a series of paths controlled by different and competing organizations with diverse agendas and priorities in a manner that is quite frequently redundant and inefficient. Most notably, the information and intelligence flowing upward toward Kim Chong-il and the military and powerholding elites are processed through what might be described as a lens of self deception composed of four layers: historical world view, political indoctrination, hatred for the U.S., and authoritarian cultural rules. The net effect of this is that, whether consciously or subconsciously, information internally processed or transformed into intelligence passes through a lens of selfdeception and arrives in a fundamentally flawed state. It is through this flawed process, however, that decisions within the DPRK are made. When combined with Kim Chong-il’s apparent belief that he “knows better” and can arrive at better decisions than those around him, this process often leads to ill-advised courses of action and unanticipated outcomes. It should be anticipated that such a dynamic will be present during any future dealings with the DPRK, especially during times of crisis. I-30
APPENDIX I-A: DPRK PRINT AND ELECTRONIC MEDIA 1 The news media within the DPRK do not exist to serve the people’s right to know, but rather to serve the interests of the state (or more accurately, Kim Chong-il). Private individuals or organizations own none of the news agencies, television, or radio stations or any of the 30 or more newspapers and magazines currently published in the DPRK. All are ultimately subordinate to the National Defense Commission, the KWP, or the Cabinet. The printed media are heavily weighted towards newspapers. The largest number of newspapers, and those with the largest circulation, are published in P’yongyang. The largest include Nodong Sinmun, Minju Choson, P’yongyang Sinmun, and Nodong Chongnyon. Also published in P’yongyang is the weekly English language P’yongyang Times. Because of the media’s official function, major articles are generally identical or complementary in content to each other, except for some minor differences. Content is targeted towards internal consumption and centers around praising the Kim Chong-il regime and reinforcing the ideology of the KWP. The small number of news-related articles confine themselves to positive reporting of social and political activities throughout the country. Papers almost never report on crime or accidents within the DPRK, or irregularities involving KWP or MPAF officials. They do, however, devote considerable space to negative aspects of ROK and U.S. society, and condemn foreign (especially U.S., ROK, and Japan) bullying of the DPRK. These articles almost always grossly distort or exaggerate facts so as to present the DPRK in the most favorable light. All articles written by the various departments within the papers and magazines are first submitted to intense scrutiny by local staffs and editors. Articles passing this level of approval are then passed to the Newspaper Section of the Press Guidance Bureau. If approved, they must then be cleared by the KWP’s Propaganda and Agitation Department. All of this is done to ensure that the content is consistent with the approved Party line and that there are no conflicts with previously published articles. 1 “Defectors Comment on DPRK Broadcast Media, Research Organs,” Yonhap, June 7, 1996, as cited in FBIS- EAS-96-111; “Journalism in North Korea,” Vantage Point, June 1995, Vol. XVIII, No. 6, pp. 25-32; “North Korea is Essentially a Slave Society, Theocratic System, and Military State,” pp. 404-425; and “Article Describes DPRK News Media,” Naewoe Tongsin, 11 March 1993, pp. B1-B6, as cited in FBIS-EAS-93-092. I-A-1
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INSTITUTE FOR DEFENSE ANALYSES Nort
Page 3: INSTITUTE FOR DEFENSE ANALYSES IDA
Page 7: CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY & INTROD
Page 11 and 12: To write accurately about North Kor
Page 13: technocrats, provincial and county
Page 17: PREFACE This paper will examine in
Page 21: ABBREVIATIONS AGI CCSKA COMSEC DoD
Page 24 and 25: information streams, and from him t
Page 26 and 27: within the hands of a few individua
Page 28 and 29: and whether or not he will embarras
Page 30 and 31: to the lowest-levels of the KPA. As
Page 32 and 33: strengthening of all armed forces,
Page 34 and 35: esearch institutes and “think tan
Page 36 and 37: The primary missions of the Reconna
Page 38 and 39: communication that generally fall o
Page 40 and 41: of the State Security Department or
Page 42 and 43: maintaining strict control over the
Page 44 and 45: agencies in the ROK and Japan began
Page 46 and 47: The Guard and Security Commands, wh
Page 48 and 49: eports that are funneled up through
Page 50 and 51: Complicating the entire “Kim-cent
Page 52 and 53: Within the military, this dynamic c
Page 56 and 57: Until the 1990s, the electronic med
Page 59: II. THE NORTH KOREAN LEADERSHIP: SY
Page 62 and 63: TABLES 1. Key Family Members in the
Page 64 and 65: The factional struggles in North Ko
Page 67 and 68: A. INTRODUCTION By definition, a to
Page 69 and 70: C. THE TECHNOLOGY OF POWER A Party
Page 71 and 72: document control bureaus in each mi
Page 73 and 74: Originally implemented in 1994 and
Page 75 and 76: Table II-1. Key Family Members in t
Page 77 and 78: of associates who trace their relat
Page 79 and 80: September 9, 2003, showed a change
Page 81 and 82: Chart II-2: Secretariat 5. Kye Ung-
Page 83 and 84: Members 1. Yi Ul-sul 4. Yi Yong-mu
Page 85 and 86: Table II-6. Kim Chong-il’s Princi
Page 87 and 88: Table II-7. Kim Chong-il’s Person
Page 89 and 90: chance to unfold. In terms of syste
Page 91 and 92: domestic policy arena, the split is
Page 93 and 94: At the second echelon of power, Kim
Page 95 and 96: D. FLOW OF INFORMATION George Kenna
Page 97 and 98: about things that affect their care
Page 99 and 100: (ID) and External Liaison (ELD) dep
Page 101 and 102: For the rest of the North Korean le
Page 103 and 104: the focus for not only a significan
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At the 11 th Supreme People’s Ass
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There is little doubt that one of t
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decision-making process. Moreover,
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III. THE WELL-INFORMED CADRE RALPH
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY DEFINITIONS AND A
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greater access to first-hand inform
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The first question addressed by thi
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But this lack of enthusiasm is prob
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as the 1950s. 16 The security organ
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Another way to look at divisions wi
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Because the Kim regime governs acco
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guess is that anyone who rises in t
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But even though the media serve as
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Newspapers The DPRK’s premier new
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motivation in its readers through m
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Page 2: • Kim Jong-suk’s develo
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This selection of news items presen
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in the wake of the U.S. propaganda
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the general audience in a two-step
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also countries surrounding the Kore
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that the war in Iraq was “a test
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and transform us internally through
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eceived with little thought and has
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outside world than the ordinary wor
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cognitive dissonance, particular ca
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IV. INSIDE NORTH KOREA’S BLACK BO
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The North Korean
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A. BETTER, MERRIER, MORE HOPEFUL LI
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In contrast, the optimists believe
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to the throne. The State Council us
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1976-1977, 4 and in 1986-1987 (see
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Bulgarian Trade Unions, after which
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Second, the principal objective of
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southward expansion, and, last but
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controlling some of North Korea’s
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also against the second-tier family
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Kim Sung-ae, who is Kim Il Sung’s
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“National Security Establishment
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October 1980. Many of them (Yon Hyo
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severe draught in 1988 and the dram
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The advent of the “Songun Era”
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IV-30
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Bearing in mind Kim Jong Il’s rec
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Table IV-2. Composition of the Nort
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Cabinet Posts 10 th SPA 11 th SPA R
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Eastern Europe. That was reportedly
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Table IV-5. Leading Ideologues Insi
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Table IV-7. Regional Origins of Top
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“Foreign Wind” The “foreign w
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Table IV-10. Some of the Most Influ
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Table IV-11. The North-South “Han
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Song Sok Hwan Vice-Minister Cha Sun
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Table IV-13. Korean-American “Int
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content and government monitoring.
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Northern security, military, and pa
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APPENDIX B TONGIL STREET FREE MARKE
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V. REACHING INTO NORTH KOREA DAVID
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY North Korea is no
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message right to Kim Jong-il, and m
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isk escape from the hermit kingdom.
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Society is divided into three broad
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contradictions.” 17 This makes se
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Internet is not specifically mentio
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led to a training program for young
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North Korea’s exports from legiti
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een the biggest buyers of ivory ove
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worker who travels throughout North
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If we want to reach into North Kore
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conversations with the correct mix
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Although the future of cellular tel
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There are a host of other things on
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Each of the five papers in this col
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promotions) and punishments (e.g.,
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although presumably all calls are m
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cultural rules.” Given the “str
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Speaking of Kim, whom does he consu
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Terms of Reference: North Korean Po
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Joseph S. Bermudez Jr. is an intern
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APPENDIX C ASIAN VIEWS OF NORTH KOR
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In any case, the reforms provide a
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View from Seoul The single most imp
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Form Approved REPORT DOCUMENTATION
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