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North Korean Policy Elites - Defense Technical Information Center

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odies by organizing meeting agendas, and contained a deciphering office and a chancellery<br />

whose function it was to control all incoming and outgoing secret documents. They were also<br />

responsible for the issuance and safekeeping of party cards, which made them vital to any powerbuilding<br />

venture by the senior leadership. Finally, they kept the records and archives for the<br />

party. There is no doubt that the Soviet authorities responsible for monitoring <strong>Korean</strong><br />

developments would have wanted to use this apparatus to their own ends. The 1949 merger of<br />

the two <strong>Korean</strong> communist parties led to a reorganization of the Central Committee apparatus.<br />

The General Affairs and Secret Departments, which had existed at the central level since 1945,<br />

were now incorporated into the executive staff under Ho Ka-i. 4 Therefore, the information flow<br />

through the party apparatus, both in terms of guidance and control over the system, was run not<br />

out of the General Secretary’s office, but the Executive staff.<br />

This duality of control even extended into the state apparatus, where Kim Il-sung focused<br />

most of his authority. The Cabinet, as the “supreme executive organ,” was the nucleus of the<br />

administrative operations and controls of the state. But, as in all communist systems, it was not<br />

without restraints and controls placed on it by the party. The Political Committee (Politburo) was<br />

the ultimate policy decision-making body. The Cabinet had some authority to participate in the<br />

broad policy objectives of the regime (especially in the area of the economy), but its main<br />

function was to carry out the party’s decisions and supervise the government hierarchy. Kim Ilsung’s<br />

position as prime minister was underwritten by his role as chairman of the KWP. Two of<br />

Kim’s closest associates, Kim Chaek (Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Industry) and Pak<br />

Ilu (Minister of Internal Affairs) were both members of the party’s Political and Organizational<br />

committees.<br />

The shadow apparatus, populated by the Soviet <strong>Korean</strong>s, had direct contact with the<br />

cabinet. In each ministry, the vice ministers were Soviet <strong>Korean</strong>s. According to one assessment<br />

done by the United States in the early 1950s, the vice ministers’ “authority was considered<br />

greater than that of the minister.” 5 At the central level, this network exerted influence, if not<br />

control, through the Cabinet’s housekeeping organs: the Bureau of General Affairs, Secretariat,<br />

and Bureau of Leaders, apparently a personnel agency for high-level appointments. These organs<br />

in turn had direct lines to the individual ministries via the personnel, general affairs, and<br />

4 In 1945, the General Affairs Department was established. Its director was Pak Chong-ho, a close associate of Kim<br />

Il-sung and a member of his anti-Japanese partisan movement. Pak is the father of Pak Myong-chol, the current<br />

Chairman of the Physical Culture and Sports Guidance Commission.<br />

5 <strong>North</strong> Korea: A Case Study in the Techniques of Takeover (Washington, D.C.: Department of State, 1951). This<br />

report represented the findings of a State Department Research Mission sent to Korea on October 28, 1950, to<br />

conduct a survey of the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> regime as it operated before the outbreak of the <strong>Korean</strong> War. Its findings<br />

were declassified in 1961.<br />

II-4

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