North Korean Policy Elites - Defense Technical Information Center

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discuss and argue among themselves. But once Kim makes a decision, it is official policy until he chooses to review it. In this decision-making process, Kim wants everyone to report up to him, not to each other. Because everyone’s personal security is dependent on pleasing - or at least not displeasing - Kim, self-censorship is presumably an important characteristic of policy discussions and recommendations. DOMESTIC NEWS SOURCES The major North Korean media consist of four national newspapers, one AM radio station, three television stations, and local cable systems connected to loudspeakers in homes and public places. For many North Koreans, television sets and radios are still a luxury, and hardly anyone has access to a computer. Kim Jong-il is known to be an avid web surfer, and a select number of scientists and officials also may have access to the Internet. The Kwangmyong Intranet was set up in 2000 to link major cities and organizations. “Newsworthy” items are scarce in all the media. The DPRK’s premier news outlet is Nodong Sinmun (Daily Worker), which publishes six pages every day of the year. Page 6 is devoted to international news. News in the DPRK press focuses on two themes. First, that the domestic and foreign policies of the Kim regime are correct and successful. Second, that Japan, the United States, and some elements in the ROK pose a threat to all Koreans. An informal survey of news stories in the North Korean press relating to U.S. military initiatives indicates that a considerable amount such news is available, although it is presented in a very negative fashion. News stories in 2003 reported on the transformation of the USFK, the deployment of fighters and bombers to Guam, the southward relocation of American soldiers in the ROK, the Proliferation Security Initiative, and the war in Iraq - especially the U.S. military’s psychological operations in the early stages of the war. FOREIGN NEWS SOURCES In principle, North Koreans should not be able to gain direct access to foreign news sources. Possession of a radio with an unfixed dial, listening to foreign radio or television broadcasts, possessing foreign video or audiotapes, and reading foreign newspapers or magazines all are grounds for detention. Although the government tries to jam foreign broadcasts, including Radio Free Asia, these broadcasts do sometimes get through, and some risk listening to them with foreign or altered radios. There is little reason to believe that one group of the North Korean elite is more likely than another to be exposed to information from foreign broadcasts. Those cadres who have the opportunity to meet tourists and those with the opportunity to travel overseas obviously have III-S-2
greater access to first-hand information from outside the country. But those few North Koreans who travel abroad are watched carefully by North Korean security personnel. Because of security restrictions and infrastructure problems, most personal communication inside the DPRK takes place on a face-to-face basis. Mail, telephone, and intranet communications are subject to monitoring by the security services. RECEIVING AND INTERPRETING INFORMATION How North Koreans respond to news about U.S. initiatives depends to a large extent on how they process this information. Like people everywhere, North Koreans are probably skeptical of information that contradicts their beliefs, although this skepticism may be overcome if the communication source is highly credible. Whereas the North Korean press depicts Kim Jong-il as the most credible person in North Korea or anywhere else, the United States is portrayed as a country of schemers plotting to enslave North Koreans and other “progressive” peoples. Communications coming from the United States urge the North Korean elite to change their policies - the same policies that put them at the top of their society. Change may not be in their best interest. To overcome strong resistance to change, a highly credible source must present an extremely attractive - or extremely threatening - message. The greatest challenge is not how to get international news into North Korea, but how to get the desired response to that news. III-S-3
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INSTITUTE FOR DEFENSE ANALYSES Nort
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INSTITUTE FOR DEFENSE ANALYSES IDA
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CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY & INTROD
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To write accurately about North Kor
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technocrats, provincial and county
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PREFACE This paper will examine in
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ABBREVIATIONS AGI CCSKA COMSEC DoD
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information streams, and from him t
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within the hands of a few individua
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and whether or not he will embarras
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to the lowest-levels of the KPA. As
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strengthening of all armed forces,
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esearch institutes and “think tan
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The primary missions of the Reconna
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communication that generally fall o
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of the State Security Department or
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maintaining strict control over the
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agencies in the ROK and Japan began
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The Guard and Security Commands, wh
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eports that are funneled up through
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Complicating the entire “Kim-cent
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Within the military, this dynamic c
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him that all significant orders and
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Until the 1990s, the electronic med
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II. THE NORTH KOREAN LEADERSHIP: SY
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TABLES 1. Key Family Members in the
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The factional struggles in North Ko
Page 67 and 68: A. INTRODUCTION By definition, a to
Page 69 and 70: C. THE TECHNOLOGY OF POWER A Party
Page 71 and 72: document control bureaus in each mi
Page 73 and 74: Originally implemented in 1994 and
Page 75 and 76: Table II-1. Key Family Members in t
Page 77 and 78: of associates who trace their relat
Page 79 and 80: September 9, 2003, showed a change
Page 81 and 82: Chart II-2: Secretariat 5. Kye Ung-
Page 83 and 84: Members 1. Yi Ul-sul 4. Yi Yong-mu
Page 85 and 86: Table II-6. Kim Chong-il’s Princi
Page 87 and 88: Table II-7. Kim Chong-il’s Person
Page 89 and 90: chance to unfold. In terms of syste
Page 91 and 92: domestic policy arena, the split is
Page 93 and 94: At the second echelon of power, Kim
Page 95 and 96: D. FLOW OF INFORMATION George Kenna
Page 97 and 98: about things that affect their care
Page 99 and 100: (ID) and External Liaison (ELD) dep
Page 101 and 102: For the rest of the North Korean le
Page 103 and 104: the focus for not only a significan
Page 105 and 106: At the 11 th Supreme People’s Ass
Page 107 and 108: There is little doubt that one of t
Page 109 and 110: decision-making process. Moreover,
Page 111: III. THE WELL-INFORMED CADRE RALPH
Page 115: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY DEFINITIONS AND A
Page 120 and 121: The first question addressed by thi
Page 122 and 123: But this lack of enthusiasm is prob
Page 124 and 125: as the 1950s. 16 The security organ
Page 126 and 127: Another way to look at divisions wi
Page 128 and 129: Because the Kim regime governs acco
Page 130 and 131: guess is that anyone who rises in t
Page 132 and 133: But even though the media serve as
Page 134 and 135: Newspapers The DPRK’s premier new
Page 136 and 137: motivation in its readers through m
Page 138 and 139: Page 2: • Kim Jong-suk’s develo
Page 140 and 141: This selection of news items presen
Page 142 and 143: in the wake of the U.S. propaganda
Page 144 and 145: the general audience in a two-step
Page 146 and 147: also countries surrounding the Kore
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Page 150 and 151: and transform us internally through
Page 152 and 153: eceived with little thought and has
Page 154 and 155: outside world than the ordinary wor
Page 156 and 157: cognitive dissonance, particular ca
Page 159: IV. INSIDE NORTH KOREA’S BLACK BO
Page 163 and 164: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The North Korean
Page 165 and 166: A. BETTER, MERRIER, MORE HOPEFUL LI
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In contrast, the optimists believe
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to the throne. The State Council us
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1976-1977, 4 and in 1986-1987 (see
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Bulgarian Trade Unions, after which
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Second, the principal objective of
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southward expansion, and, last but
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controlling some of North Korea’s
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also against the second-tier family
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Kim Sung-ae, who is Kim Il Sung’s
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“National Security Establishment
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October 1980. Many of them (Yon Hyo
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severe draught in 1988 and the dram
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The advent of the “Songun Era”
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IV-30
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Bearing in mind Kim Jong Il’s rec
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Table IV-2. Composition of the Nort
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Cabinet Posts 10 th SPA 11 th SPA R
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Eastern Europe. That was reportedly
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Table IV-5. Leading Ideologues Insi
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Table IV-7. Regional Origins of Top
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“Foreign Wind” The “foreign w
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Table IV-10. Some of the Most Influ
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Table IV-11. The North-South “Han
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Song Sok Hwan Vice-Minister Cha Sun
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Table IV-13. Korean-American “Int
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content and government monitoring.
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Northern security, military, and pa
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APPENDIX B TONGIL STREET FREE MARKE
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V. REACHING INTO NORTH KOREA DAVID
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY North Korea is no
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message right to Kim Jong-il, and m
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isk escape from the hermit kingdom.
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Society is divided into three broad
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contradictions.” 17 This makes se
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Internet is not specifically mentio
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led to a training program for young
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North Korea’s exports from legiti
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een the biggest buyers of ivory ove
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worker who travels throughout North
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If we want to reach into North Kore
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conversations with the correct mix
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Although the future of cellular tel
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There are a host of other things on
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Each of the five papers in this col
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promotions) and punishments (e.g.,
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although presumably all calls are m
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cultural rules.” Given the “str
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Speaking of Kim, whom does he consu
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Terms of Reference: North Korean Po
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Joseph S. Bermudez Jr. is an intern
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APPENDIX C ASIAN VIEWS OF NORTH KOR
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In any case, the reforms provide a
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View from Seoul The single most imp
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Form Approved REPORT DOCUMENTATION
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