North Korean Policy Elites - Defense Technical Information Center

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in the wake of the U.S. propaganda attack on Iraq and calls in the United States to increase Radio Free Asia broadcasts to North Korea. 58 In 2003, Radio Free Asia (RFA) began broadcasting in Korean four hours a day (0700- 0800 and 2300-0200 local time). Before that, Korean broadcasts were limited to two hours a day - the same as broadcasts in Burmese, Laotian, and Khmer, and less than the six hours broadcast in Tibetan! 59 On July 16, 2003, the U.S. House of Representatives passed a bill authorizing 24-hour broadcasts and urging that transistor radios be dropped over North Korea, but these measures have yet to be implemented. Voice of America (VOA) beams Koreanlanguage broadcasts to North Korea for three hours a day, from 0600-0700 and 2100-2300 local time. 60 Loudspeakers operated along the DMZ by the ROK government formerly carried slanderous comments, but since the coming of the sunshine policy, the slander has apparently ceased. The ROK’s NIS also has apparently ended its flights of balloons that dropped propaganda flyers into North Korea. Apart from listening to foreign radio broadcasts, North Koreans can get news of the outside world from the thousands of Korean and Chinese-Korean traders who regularly cross the northern border. Occasional information also comes from conversations with tourists, whose numbers have increased in recent years. By the end of 2003, almost 600,000 South Koreans had traveled to the Kumgang Mountain tourist area, where they could view the stunning scenery but were kept isolated from North Korean citizens. In fact, most tourist personnel in the area are ethnic Koreans brought in from China. At Kumgang, speech with North Korean tour guides must be conducted with great care to avoid causing offense and inviting detainment. The Tongil conglomerate of South Korea, financed by the Unification Church, began offering tourist trips to Pyongyang in September 2003, but the Tongil tourists also are isolated for the most part from the North Korean population. 61 The only other large group of tourists to visit North Korea are 58 Yonhap, July 30, 2003. FBIS KPP20030730000057. FBIS Report, August 1, 2003. Paek Sung-ku. VNS went out defiantly: “Our nation is now welcoming the 15 June [2000] era of reunification in which the fellow countrymen will become one under Great General Kim Jong-il’s military-first politics based on love for the country and people. . . . The North side, on the occasion of the 15 August Independence Day, proposed to stop all broadcasts that slander the other party . . . . The Editorial Bureau of the Voice of National Salvation, while extending full support to, as well as fully sympathizing with, the North’s proposal, in response to such a proposal, inform all of you that we will actively and totally end our broadcast starting 1 August. From the bottom of our hearts, we extend our thanks to all of you who gave unsparing support to our broadcast and earnestly enjoyed listening to it and wish that greater results are seen in the future struggle. Good-bye, everyone.” VNS, July 31, 2003. FBIS KPP20030801000001. 59 RFA’s home page is http://www.rfa.org. 60 VOA’s home page is http://www.voa.gov. 61 “Tongil Group Starts ‘Pyongyang Tourism Business,’” Chugan Choson, September 25, 2003, pp. 38, 40. FBIS KPP20031107000119. III-24
Chinese who come to gamble in Chinese-owned casinos in Pyongyang and in the Najin-Sonbong foreign trade zone. 62 Westerners, especially Americans, are usually denied visas. Employees for the various NGOs that provide aid to North Korea are mostly non-Americans, and in any case few Korean-speaking NGO representatives are granted visas. There is little reason to believe that one segment of the North Korean elite is more likely than another to be exposed to information from foreign broadcasts. Those cadres who have the opportunity to meet tourists, and those with the opportunity to travel overseas, obviously have greater access to outside information. More importantly, their information comes in the form of first-hand experience rather than brief news reports. But even the North Koreans who travel abroad have to be careful about whom they converse with and what they read, watch, or listen to, because they are accompanied by North Korean security personnel. G. DIFFUSION OF NEWS WITHIN NORTH KOREA It is difficult to get a sense of the nature and amount of personal communication that occurs in North Korea’s “closed” society. Because of security restrictions and infrastructure problems, most communication takes place on a face-to-face basis. Mail is easily examined, and ownership of private telephones is limited to upper-level cadres or relatively wealthy traders. 63 Cellular telephone service was initiated in 2002 and has spread rapidly: in late 2003, a pro-North Korean newspaper in Japan reported that 20,000 mobile phones were in use in North Korea, although there is no independent verification of this statistic. 64 Near the border, Chinese cell phones have become so popular that the SSD is reportedly cracking down on them. 65 Research on public opinion in the United States has demonstrated that most Americans do not pay close attention to the news, especially to the political news. The communication psychologist Paul Lazarsfeld and others discovered years ago that many media messages reach 62 Cortland Bennett, “Beauty Waiting for a Beholder: Astonishing Sights Await Visitors to North Korea - If They Can Get in,” Chungang Ilbo, August 2, 2003, Internet version. FBIS KPP20030802000035. 63 For access to land-line telephones, see the “How do North Koreans make phone calls?” under Society/Living Conditions on the National Intelligence Service’s web site at http://www.nis.go.kr/eng/north. 64 FBIS sources include KPP20031020000039, KPP20031112000084, and KPP20011204000101. 65 Yi Hae-yong, “Mobile Phone Regulations along DPRK-PRC Border,” Yonhap, September 21, 2003. FBIS KPP20030922000071. Also, Kang Chol-hwan, “Mobile Phone Calls Possible from Musan, North Korea, to Seoul,” Chosun Ilbo, September 25, 2003, Internet version. FBIS KPP20030924000118. And “Asia: Cellphones New Threat for North Korean Regime,” Asahi Shimbun, February 12, 2004, Internet version. FBIS JPP20040212000041. Also, Kang I-ruk, “Modernization of Telecommunications Network Being Rapidly Accelerated in the DPRK - Foundation for the Development of Information Industry,” Choson Sinbo (pro-North Korean paper in Tokyo), December 3, 2003, Internet version. FBIS KPP20031204000101. III-25
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INSTITUTE FOR DEFENSE ANALYSES Nort
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INSTITUTE FOR DEFENSE ANALYSES IDA
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CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY & INTROD
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To write accurately about North Kor
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technocrats, provincial and county
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PREFACE This paper will examine in
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ABBREVIATIONS AGI CCSKA COMSEC DoD
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information streams, and from him t
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within the hands of a few individua
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and whether or not he will embarras
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to the lowest-levels of the KPA. As
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strengthening of all armed forces,
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esearch institutes and “think tan
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The primary missions of the Reconna
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communication that generally fall o
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of the State Security Department or
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maintaining strict control over the
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agencies in the ROK and Japan began
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The Guard and Security Commands, wh
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eports that are funneled up through
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Complicating the entire “Kim-cent
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Within the military, this dynamic c
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him that all significant orders and
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Until the 1990s, the electronic med
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II. THE NORTH KOREAN LEADERSHIP: SY
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TABLES 1. Key Family Members in the
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The factional struggles in North Ko
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A. INTRODUCTION By definition, a to
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C. THE TECHNOLOGY OF POWER A Party
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document control bureaus in each mi
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Originally implemented in 1994 and
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Table II-1. Key Family Members in t
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of associates who trace their relat
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September 9, 2003, showed a change
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Chart II-2: Secretariat 5. Kye Ung-
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Members 1. Yi Ul-sul 4. Yi Yong-mu
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Table II-6. Kim Chong-il’s Princi
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Table II-7. Kim Chong-il’s Person
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chance to unfold. In terms of syste
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Page 93 and 94: At the second echelon of power, Kim
Page 95 and 96: D. FLOW OF INFORMATION George Kenna
Page 97 and 98: about things that affect their care
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Page 101 and 102: For the rest of the North Korean le
Page 103 and 104: the focus for not only a significan
Page 105 and 106: At the 11 th Supreme People’s Ass
Page 107 and 108: There is little doubt that one of t
Page 109 and 110: decision-making process. Moreover,
Page 111: III. THE WELL-INFORMED CADRE RALPH
Page 115 and 116: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY DEFINITIONS AND A
Page 117: greater access to first-hand inform
Page 120 and 121: The first question addressed by thi
Page 122 and 123: But this lack of enthusiasm is prob
Page 124 and 125: as the 1950s. 16 The security organ
Page 126 and 127: Another way to look at divisions wi
Page 128 and 129: Because the Kim regime governs acco
Page 130 and 131: guess is that anyone who rises in t
Page 132 and 133: But even though the media serve as
Page 134 and 135: Newspapers The DPRK’s premier new
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Page 138 and 139: Page 2: • Kim Jong-suk’s develo
Page 140 and 141: This selection of news items presen
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Page 146 and 147: also countries surrounding the Kore
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Page 152 and 153: eceived with little thought and has
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Page 159: IV. INSIDE NORTH KOREA’S BLACK BO
Page 163 and 164: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The North Korean
Page 165 and 166: A. BETTER, MERRIER, MORE HOPEFUL LI
Page 167 and 168: In contrast, the optimists believe
Page 169 and 170: to the throne. The State Council us
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Page 175 and 176: Second, the principal objective of
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Page 179 and 180: controlling some of North Korea’s
Page 181 and 182: also against the second-tier family
Page 183 and 184: Kim Sung-ae, who is Kim Il Sung’s
Page 185 and 186: “National Security Establishment
Page 187 and 188: October 1980. Many of them (Yon Hyo
Page 189 and 190: severe draught in 1988 and the dram
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The advent of the “Songun Era”
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IV-30
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Bearing in mind Kim Jong Il’s rec
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Table IV-2. Composition of the Nort
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Cabinet Posts 10 th SPA 11 th SPA R
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Eastern Europe. That was reportedly
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Table IV-5. Leading Ideologues Insi
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Table IV-7. Regional Origins of Top
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“Foreign Wind” The “foreign w
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Table IV-10. Some of the Most Influ
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Table IV-11. The North-South “Han
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Song Sok Hwan Vice-Minister Cha Sun
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Table IV-13. Korean-American “Int
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content and government monitoring.
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Northern security, military, and pa
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APPENDIX B TONGIL STREET FREE MARKE
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V. REACHING INTO NORTH KOREA DAVID
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY North Korea is no
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message right to Kim Jong-il, and m
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isk escape from the hermit kingdom.
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Society is divided into three broad
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contradictions.” 17 This makes se
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Internet is not specifically mentio
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led to a training program for young
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North Korea’s exports from legiti
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een the biggest buyers of ivory ove
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worker who travels throughout North
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If we want to reach into North Kore
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conversations with the correct mix
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Although the future of cellular tel
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There are a host of other things on
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Each of the five papers in this col
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promotions) and punishments (e.g.,
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although presumably all calls are m
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cultural rules.” Given the “str
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Speaking of Kim, whom does he consu
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Terms of Reference: North Korean Po
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Joseph S. Bermudez Jr. is an intern
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APPENDIX C ASIAN VIEWS OF NORTH KOR
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In any case, the reforms provide a
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View from Seoul The single most imp
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