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Yale Center for the Study of Globalization<br />

Being more selective would mean particular support of countries where the political<br />

economy favors development, in terms of growth and poverty reduction. At the other<br />

extreme, in predatory states, selectivity would mean that little beyond humanitarian<br />

support may be feasible. Most countries lie in between these poles, and selectivity<br />

will mean doing things that support growth and poverty reduction but in ways that<br />

explicitly take the political economy into account. It could mean supporting reformers,<br />

or supporting investments that break some of the predatory powers of elites, or supporting<br />

coalitions among players that enable long-term investment to be undertaken.<br />

Whatever choices donors make, they should involve a careful attempt to take the<br />

politics into account and to influence it for the better—at least in terms of the relatively<br />

modest objective of supporting growth and poverty reduction in the country.<br />

Acemoglu and Robinson (2013) offer a simple model and discussion for thinking<br />

about economic policymaking where politics is endogenous. This is what we have<br />

in mind: it is not enough to think of aid being constrained by politics, rather, politics<br />

is inevitably affected by aid. 5<br />

Second, donors should pick their themes and partners carefully for maximum impact<br />

of development aid. The greatest rewards in African development will stem from<br />

harnessing the proceeds from natural resource extraction so that they serve the<br />

future needs of Africa’s people. To achieve this not only involves technocratic choices<br />

but also has a huge political dimension. A future of poor governance, low growth,<br />

stagnating poverty, and indeed conflict looms if the natural resource boom is not<br />

handled better. Donors will continue to partner with governments, as seems right—<br />

with the proviso discussed earlier on the political economy. They will be tempted to<br />

work with alternative partners, including civil society and the private sector. But the<br />

latter are not neutral players in a country’s political economy. Indeed, although the<br />

private sector is often portrayed as the credible alternative in countries with poorly<br />

functioning politics, private firms are often intertwined in the same elite network,<br />

with politics shaping the private sector and private sector players also important<br />

political players. Indeed, working with the private sector will require similar care and<br />

selectivity for the same political economy reasons as discussed above, and naïve<br />

portrayals of a clean private sector are equally as misleading in such settings.<br />

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