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PRAETORIAN STARSHIP<br />

States began working with resistance groups opposed<br />

to the Japanese occupation of Indochina.<br />

<strong>The</strong> OSS played the predominant role in these<br />

early operations. Ho Chi Minh guerrillas were actively<br />

resisting Japanese occupation, and as a result,<br />

OSS agents were approved by President<br />

Franklin D. Roosevelt in early 1945 to train the<br />

Viet Minh and help lead them in their efforts<br />

against the Japanese. <strong>The</strong> war in Europe was<br />

reaching its climax, and France had been liberated<br />

from Nazi occupation. <strong>The</strong> OSS had the capacity<br />

to redirect much of its attention to the war in the<br />

Pacific. During this early period of US involvement<br />

in Indochina, Ho Chi Minh had not declared<br />

himself a communist. What has come to be an<br />

ironic twist of fate, the first American aid to SEA<br />

was to the Viet Minh guerrillas fighting against<br />

Japanese occupation. <strong>The</strong>se guerrillas would become<br />

America’s enemy during the Second Indochina<br />

War. 50<br />

<strong>The</strong> United States opposed the return of the<br />

French to Indochina after Japan’s defeat in 1945,<br />

but with the death of President Roosevelt in<br />

April, there was little formal opposition. In the<br />

view of President Harry S. Truman the United<br />

States had more important commitments elsewhere<br />

in the postwar world than in Indochina.<br />

<strong>The</strong> United States also needed French support in<br />

Europe against the Soviet Union and consequently<br />

backed off from its opposition of the<br />

French claiming their colonies in SEA. Thus, a<br />

near-total withdrawal of US aid was coupled with<br />

a concurrent French buildup in their former colony.<br />

Ho Chi Minh did not favor the return of the<br />

French; rather, he viewed their return as an extension<br />

of the century-old occupation of Indochina<br />

by foreigners. Ho Chi Minh moved to the countryside<br />

and continued his resistance to foreign occupation<br />

that he had begun against the Japanese.<br />

With no Western aid available, he turned to the<br />

Chinese communists for support. With the defeat<br />

of the Nationalist Chinese by Communist forces<br />

in 1949, the United States reevaluated how it<br />

looked at the French-Viet Minh conflict. With the<br />

onset of the cold war and the resultant containment<br />

policy of the United States, America began<br />

to associate the Indochina conflict as an East ve rsus<br />

West one—communism versus the Free World.<br />

North Korea, with the support of both Chinese<br />

and Stalinist communists, invaded South Korea<br />

on 24 June 1950. <strong>The</strong> United States established<br />

the Military Assistance and Advisory Group<br />

(MAAG ) in Saigon in August 1950. From that<br />

time until the defeat of the French at Dien Bien<br />

Phu in May 1954, America provided 80 percent of<br />

the logistical costs of French activities in Indochina.<br />

51<br />

During the 1954–55 period, the United States<br />

was negotiating in Paris and in Saigon to gain<br />

permission to train the South Vietnamese Army.<br />

On 10 May 1955 (one year after Dien Bien Phu),<br />

the White House announced that the United<br />

States had undertaken responsibility for the<br />

training of Vietnamese armed forces upon the request<br />

of the government of Vietnam and with the<br />

agreement of the government of France. Ten days<br />

later, French military forces evacuated Saigon,<br />

thus ending their government’s official participa -<br />

tion in the affairs of its former colony. 52<br />

From the very onset of US training of Vietnamese<br />

forces, America suffered from the so-called Korean<br />

syndrome; that is, America concentrated on<br />

building a conventional army to fight a conventional<br />

enemy that would attack the South over<br />

the demilitarized zone (DMZ) separating the two<br />

countries. A strong conventional army was viewed<br />

as the key to stopping communist aggression.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re were some individuals in Washington, how -<br />

ever, who did not view the Vietnamese conflict<br />

solely in conventional terms. As a result, the most<br />

knowledgeable unconventional warfare expert in<br />

the US military was sent to Saigon to establish an<br />

unconventional warfare capability—Col Edward<br />

F. Lansdale of the US Air Force. 53<br />

Colonel Lansdale had gained recognition for his<br />

work in the Philippines during the Communist<br />

Hukbalahap’s (Philippine People’s Anti-Japanese<br />

Army) Huck rebellion of the late 1940s. With<br />

Lansdale’s assistance, Philippine president Ramón<br />

Magsaysay had executed an unconventional warfare<br />

campaign that proved to be the most successful<br />

campaign of its kind up to that time.<br />

Some in Washington saw similarities in Vietnam<br />

that existed during the early years of the Huck<br />

rebellion , and they felt that experience gained<br />

there could be applied by Colonel Lansdale to the<br />

Vietnamese conflict.<br />

In June 1954 Colonel Lansdale arrived in<br />

Saigon to become the chief of the Saigon Military<br />

Mission (SMM). His charter included the establishment<br />

of an organization for clandestine and<br />

covert actions against North Vietnam (NVN).<br />

<strong>The</strong>se actions were to discredit “an active and intelligent<br />

enemy who made full use of legal rights<br />

to screen his activities in establishing his staybehind<br />

organization south of the 17th parallel.” 54<br />

Two months after Lansdale’s arrival, NSC issued<br />

Directive 5412, which defined covert operations<br />

10

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