1 - The Black Vault
1 - The Black Vault
1 - The Black Vault
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PRAETORIAN STARSHIP<br />
States began working with resistance groups opposed<br />
to the Japanese occupation of Indochina.<br />
<strong>The</strong> OSS played the predominant role in these<br />
early operations. Ho Chi Minh guerrillas were actively<br />
resisting Japanese occupation, and as a result,<br />
OSS agents were approved by President<br />
Franklin D. Roosevelt in early 1945 to train the<br />
Viet Minh and help lead them in their efforts<br />
against the Japanese. <strong>The</strong> war in Europe was<br />
reaching its climax, and France had been liberated<br />
from Nazi occupation. <strong>The</strong> OSS had the capacity<br />
to redirect much of its attention to the war in the<br />
Pacific. During this early period of US involvement<br />
in Indochina, Ho Chi Minh had not declared<br />
himself a communist. What has come to be an<br />
ironic twist of fate, the first American aid to SEA<br />
was to the Viet Minh guerrillas fighting against<br />
Japanese occupation. <strong>The</strong>se guerrillas would become<br />
America’s enemy during the Second Indochina<br />
War. 50<br />
<strong>The</strong> United States opposed the return of the<br />
French to Indochina after Japan’s defeat in 1945,<br />
but with the death of President Roosevelt in<br />
April, there was little formal opposition. In the<br />
view of President Harry S. Truman the United<br />
States had more important commitments elsewhere<br />
in the postwar world than in Indochina.<br />
<strong>The</strong> United States also needed French support in<br />
Europe against the Soviet Union and consequently<br />
backed off from its opposition of the<br />
French claiming their colonies in SEA. Thus, a<br />
near-total withdrawal of US aid was coupled with<br />
a concurrent French buildup in their former colony.<br />
Ho Chi Minh did not favor the return of the<br />
French; rather, he viewed their return as an extension<br />
of the century-old occupation of Indochina<br />
by foreigners. Ho Chi Minh moved to the countryside<br />
and continued his resistance to foreign occupation<br />
that he had begun against the Japanese.<br />
With no Western aid available, he turned to the<br />
Chinese communists for support. With the defeat<br />
of the Nationalist Chinese by Communist forces<br />
in 1949, the United States reevaluated how it<br />
looked at the French-Viet Minh conflict. With the<br />
onset of the cold war and the resultant containment<br />
policy of the United States, America began<br />
to associate the Indochina conflict as an East ve rsus<br />
West one—communism versus the Free World.<br />
North Korea, with the support of both Chinese<br />
and Stalinist communists, invaded South Korea<br />
on 24 June 1950. <strong>The</strong> United States established<br />
the Military Assistance and Advisory Group<br />
(MAAG ) in Saigon in August 1950. From that<br />
time until the defeat of the French at Dien Bien<br />
Phu in May 1954, America provided 80 percent of<br />
the logistical costs of French activities in Indochina.<br />
51<br />
During the 1954–55 period, the United States<br />
was negotiating in Paris and in Saigon to gain<br />
permission to train the South Vietnamese Army.<br />
On 10 May 1955 (one year after Dien Bien Phu),<br />
the White House announced that the United<br />
States had undertaken responsibility for the<br />
training of Vietnamese armed forces upon the request<br />
of the government of Vietnam and with the<br />
agreement of the government of France. Ten days<br />
later, French military forces evacuated Saigon,<br />
thus ending their government’s official participa -<br />
tion in the affairs of its former colony. 52<br />
From the very onset of US training of Vietnamese<br />
forces, America suffered from the so-called Korean<br />
syndrome; that is, America concentrated on<br />
building a conventional army to fight a conventional<br />
enemy that would attack the South over<br />
the demilitarized zone (DMZ) separating the two<br />
countries. A strong conventional army was viewed<br />
as the key to stopping communist aggression.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re were some individuals in Washington, how -<br />
ever, who did not view the Vietnamese conflict<br />
solely in conventional terms. As a result, the most<br />
knowledgeable unconventional warfare expert in<br />
the US military was sent to Saigon to establish an<br />
unconventional warfare capability—Col Edward<br />
F. Lansdale of the US Air Force. 53<br />
Colonel Lansdale had gained recognition for his<br />
work in the Philippines during the Communist<br />
Hukbalahap’s (Philippine People’s Anti-Japanese<br />
Army) Huck rebellion of the late 1940s. With<br />
Lansdale’s assistance, Philippine president Ramón<br />
Magsaysay had executed an unconventional warfare<br />
campaign that proved to be the most successful<br />
campaign of its kind up to that time.<br />
Some in Washington saw similarities in Vietnam<br />
that existed during the early years of the Huck<br />
rebellion , and they felt that experience gained<br />
there could be applied by Colonel Lansdale to the<br />
Vietnamese conflict.<br />
In June 1954 Colonel Lansdale arrived in<br />
Saigon to become the chief of the Saigon Military<br />
Mission (SMM). His charter included the establishment<br />
of an organization for clandestine and<br />
covert actions against North Vietnam (NVN).<br />
<strong>The</strong>se actions were to discredit “an active and intelligent<br />
enemy who made full use of legal rights<br />
to screen his activities in establishing his staybehind<br />
organization south of the 17th parallel.” 54<br />
Two months after Lansdale’s arrival, NSC issued<br />
Directive 5412, which defined covert operations<br />
10