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Theism and Explanation - Appeared-to-Blogly

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Appendix<br />

Intentional <strong>Explanation</strong>s<br />

Motivation is a central human concern . . . And the “scientifi c” way<br />

<strong>to</strong> underst<strong>and</strong> it is, as with everything else, is <strong>to</strong> take it on its own<br />

terms <strong>and</strong> fi nd concepts for bringing out its typical patterns.<br />

Mary Midgley<br />

As I noted earlier (3.2.1), intentional explanations have long been a contested<br />

issue among both philosophers <strong>and</strong> psychologists. If, as is sometimes<br />

suggested, any proposed explanation of this form is fatally fl awed, then<br />

theistic explanations are also fatally fl awed. End of discussion. As it happens,<br />

I do not think that intentional explanations are fatally fl awed. But<br />

since none of the relevant arguments are specifi c <strong>to</strong> theistic explanations, it<br />

seemed best <strong>to</strong> relegate discussion of this <strong>to</strong>pic <strong>to</strong> an appendix.<br />

Before I begin, a qualifi cation seems in order. My analysis will employ<br />

concepts such as “belief,” “desire,” <strong>and</strong> “intention.” As I noted earlier (3.2),<br />

these are often described as “folk psychological” concepts, <strong>and</strong> it is the use<br />

of such concepts that is philosophically controversial. I have already made<br />

reference <strong>to</strong> Matthew Ratcliffe’s recent challenge <strong>to</strong> the role of folk psychology<br />

in social interaction (7.6.3). Ratcliffe argues that there are many<br />

circumstances in which we do not need <strong>to</strong> posit beliefs <strong>and</strong> desires in order<br />

<strong>to</strong> make sense of other people’s behaviour. It is suffi cient that we underst<strong>and</strong><br />

the shared social norms governing human behaviour in particular<br />

situations. To illustrate his point, Ratcliffe cites Alfred Schutz’s analysis of<br />

“ideal types”:<br />

If I observe, or even hear about, a man tightening a nut, my fi rst interpretive<br />

scheme will picture him as joining <strong>to</strong>gether two parts of an<br />

apparatus with a wrench. The further information that the event is<br />

taking place in an au<strong>to</strong>mobile fac<strong>to</strong>ry permits me <strong>to</strong> place the operation<br />

within the <strong>to</strong>tal context of “au<strong>to</strong>mobile” manufacturing. If I know in<br />

addition that the man is an au<strong>to</strong> worker, then I can assume a great deal<br />

about him, for instance, that he comes <strong>to</strong> work every morning <strong>and</strong> goes<br />

home every night, that he picks up his check every payday, <strong>and</strong> so on. I<br />

can then bring him in<strong>to</strong> a wider context of meaning by applying <strong>to</strong> him<br />

the ideal type “urban worker” or, more specifi cally, “Berlin worker of<br />

the year 1931.” And once I have established the fact that the man is a

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