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Field ArTillery - US Army Center Of Military History

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The civil war<br />

The chief advantage of rifled artillery over smoothbores was an increase in range<br />

and accuracy, and ranges were extended even further when tubes were mounted on<br />

newer carriages that supported a greater degree of elevation. 58 Maximum ranges for<br />

rifled pieces were considerably greater than those for smoothbores, but the benefit<br />

of such ranges was uncertain. When the gunner could not see the target, he could<br />

neither judge the effect of nor adjust the rounds. Thus, long-range artillery offered<br />

little practical use in land warfare unless gunners were firing with an unobstructed<br />

view or were participating in a siege where the target was both wide and deep. Rifled<br />

artillery had some value at shorter ranges in the defense, but the canister effect of<br />

the Napoleons was more deadly against infantry. Consequently, the principal role<br />

for rifled artillery became counterbattery fire. At Malvern Hill in the summer of<br />

1862, the Union artillery showed its defensive power against attacking infantry and<br />

its ability to provide effective counterbattery fire. Most of the Union artillery pieces<br />

were rifles with greater ranges than the smoothbores that made up the majority of<br />

Confederate artillery weapons. Union rifled artillery, positioned on a cleared hill<br />

offering excellent fields of fire, unmercifully battered the massed target presented<br />

by the Confederate artillery batteries. The Southern artillery, besides having inferior<br />

range and being hindered by poor roads and trails, was badly handled. Over 5,000<br />

Confederate soldiers fell in the battle—over half of them, according to Maj. Gen.<br />

D. H. Hill, hit by artillery fire. 59<br />

Again, at Antietam in September 1862, the Union artillery provided excellent<br />

counterbattery fire, but its total effectiveness was reduced by the lack of higher artillery<br />

staffs that were not yet thought necessary. General Robert E. Lee had already<br />

gone to a battalion organization for his artillery, which gave the Confederates a<br />

ready means of centralized control to shift batteries to threatened points and partially<br />

offset their inferiority in quantity and quality of materiel. Even though the <strong>Army</strong> of<br />

the Potomac’s Artillery Reserve had been significantly reduced to fill understrength<br />

artillery units assigned to infantry commands (usually brigades), many Union commanders<br />

still felt it was not enough and that all light batteries should have been<br />

under their direct control. They blamed the artillery for the lack of overwhelming<br />

victory at Antietam and recommended that the Artillery Reserve be abolished. In<br />

reality, nearly all the light batteries had been in the hands of infantry commanders,<br />

leaving the Artillery Reserve with the heavier, less maneuverable 20-pounder<br />

Parrotts. Ignored was the fact that the offensive power of artillery, so prevalent<br />

during the Mexican War, was simply no longer paramount. 60<br />

Although artillery served well in counterbattery fire, General Hunt perceived<br />

that the chief value of the arm was to assist the infantry in repulsing attacks. In his<br />

opinion,<br />

58 See Table 6 for effective ranges of artillery pieces at 5-degree elevation. Maximum ranges were<br />

considerably greater. The older Napoleons could not be elevated beyond 5 degrees.<br />

59 Naisawald, Grape and Canister, p. 135; McWhiney and Jamieson, Attack and Die, pp. 3, 112–13,<br />

117; Frank E. Comparato, Age of Great Guns (Harrisburg, Pa.: Stackpole Co., 1965), pp. 187–89.<br />

60 Naisawald, Grape and Canister, pp. 183–84, 229–30; Nesmith, “Quiet Paradigm Change,” Ph.D.<br />

diss., pp. 31–32.<br />

71

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