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Educational Psychology—Limitations and Possibilities

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4 The Praeger H<strong>and</strong>book of Education <strong>and</strong> Psychology<br />

traditions the effort to underst<strong>and</strong> phenomena in relation to the processes <strong>and</strong> contexts of which<br />

they are a part takes precedence over identifying causal relations between discrete variables (see<br />

Smith [1998]). Thus, in this introduction I will explore the different traditions of educational<br />

psychology, focusing on the root belief structures that shape them. Following this effort I will<br />

analyze the contributions of the interpretivist tradition, in the process describing a critical interpretivist<br />

approach. Such analysis will emphasize the explanatory benefits of interpretivism while<br />

embracing the critical concerns with the role of power in human affairs <strong>and</strong> the ways it operates<br />

in relation to issues of oppression <strong>and</strong> social justice.<br />

We see the results of the dominance of the mechanistic tradition, as Mary Frances Agnello<br />

points out in her chapter on scientific literacy testing, in the emergence <strong>and</strong> influence of IQ<br />

<strong>and</strong> other forms of testing <strong>and</strong> measurement as well as the dem<strong>and</strong> that research in educational<br />

psychology be conducted only as a verifiable <strong>and</strong> statistics-based human science. Agnello goes<br />

on to assert that in this mechanistic tradition the focus on the measurement of “human responses<br />

to various stimuli” led to a split between those mechanists who would not study consciousness<br />

<strong>and</strong> those interpretivists who would. Picking up on this theme, Kathleen Berry in her chapter on<br />

memory traces the mechanistic perspective back to the science of Rene Descartes who positioned<br />

the study of cognition in biology as an analysis of the physiology of the brain. Memory, thus, was<br />

viewed as an object existing materially within the container of the brain. Memory <strong>and</strong> mind were<br />

viewed as fundamentally separate from body <strong>and</strong> spirit. (In this context see Richard Prawat’s<br />

chapter on diverse historical underst<strong>and</strong>ings of the nature <strong>and</strong> location of mind.) In the Cartesian<br />

context the biologically grounded, cause <strong>and</strong> effect tradition of mechanism exercised its power<br />

over the interpretive tradition, positioning human beings more as objects than as subjects.<br />

The debate between the two traditions of educational psychology, as Patricia Whang points out<br />

in her chapter on Buddhism <strong>and</strong> educational psychology, may be best exemplified historically in<br />

the early twentieth-century debate between mechanist Edward Thorndike <strong>and</strong> interpretivist John<br />

Dewey. In the eyes of the educational psychologists Thorndike won the argument, tying educational<br />

psychology to quantification <strong>and</strong> laboratory studies of teaching <strong>and</strong> learning. Thorndike’s<br />

victory, Mark Garrison maintains in his chapter on psychometrics, meant that the knowledge<br />

produced by the testing technologies of educational psychology could be used to justify forms of<br />

oppression based on particular individuals being designated as less than human. Obviously, this<br />

is one of the negative social effects of the mechanistic tradition previously referenced.<br />

Psychology is a child of the Age of Reason, the Western European Enlightenment of the<br />

seventeenth <strong>and</strong> eighteenth centuries. What scholars refer to as modernity arose out of this<br />

Scientific Revolution. Traditional sources of meaning were swept aside in the modernist tsunami<br />

<strong>and</strong> psychology emerged as a discourse designed in part to restore meaning in new social <strong>and</strong><br />

intellectual conditions. The hope was that by placing our faith in the scientific method <strong>and</strong> its<br />

objectively produced knowledge that human beings could move beyond arbitrary authority. They<br />

would have the knowledge to make rational <strong>and</strong> moral decisions about their lives <strong>and</strong> the world<br />

around them. In later centuries we can see this same impulse at work as educational psychology<br />

would be used as a scientific means of determining educational purpose.<br />

In the mindset of mechanistic educational psychology, educators do not determine their purposes<br />

based on larger underst<strong>and</strong>ings of justice <strong>and</strong> meaning as they interact with the dem<strong>and</strong>s<br />

of particular social, political, <strong>and</strong> cultural contexts. Instead, such educators derive purpose from<br />

the empirical studies of educational psychology. Objective knowledge in this context is used to<br />

guide what teachers <strong>and</strong> students should be doing in terms of efficiency <strong>and</strong> smooth functioning<br />

of bureaucratic organizations. In this context the work of those who study the political, social,<br />

cultural, <strong>and</strong> economic contexts of education in relation to larger philosophical <strong>and</strong> theoretical<br />

systems of meaning is irrelevant to the work of schools. The modes of knowledge constructed in<br />

these contexts are not viewed as legitimate in the mechanistic educational psychological cosmos.

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