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Educational Psychology—Limitations and Possibilities

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<strong>Educational</strong> Psychology in a New Paradigm 901<br />

Joe: The discipline of educational psychology <strong>and</strong> the educational leaders it informs have had difficulty<br />

underst<strong>and</strong>ing that the poor <strong>and</strong> nonwhite students are not stupid. Often children from<br />

working class <strong>and</strong> lower-socioeconomic-class homes do not ascribe the same importance to the<br />

mental functions required by intelligence/achievement tests <strong>and</strong> academic work that middle<strong>and</strong><br />

upper-middle-class students do. In this context the difference between cultural disposition<br />

<strong>and</strong> intellectual ability is lost upon the field of educational psychology. Working class <strong>and</strong> poor<br />

students often see academic work as unreal, as a series of short-term tasks rather than something<br />

with a long-term justification. Thus, these students many times display little interest in school.<br />

This lack of motivation is often interpreted by teachers, of course, as inability or lack of intelligence.<br />

Poor performance on st<strong>and</strong>ardized tests scientifically confirms the “inferiority of the poor<br />

students.”<br />

Rochelle: Case in point. The stigma of being black according to Claude Steele (1992) is the endemic<br />

devaluation many face in American society <strong>and</strong> schools. The connection of stigma to school<br />

achievement among black Americans has been vastly underappreciated, asserts Steele. He further<br />

states that, “if blacks are made racially valuable in school, they can overcome even substantial<br />

obstacles” (p. 86). At the root of the black achievement problem is the failure of American<br />

schooling to meet this simple condition for black students. Doing well in school requires a<br />

belief that school achievement can be a promising basis of self-esteem, <strong>and</strong> that belief needs<br />

constant reaffirmation even for advantaged students. Education psychology is not informed by<br />

these racial underst<strong>and</strong>ings. Because it decontextualizes the lived realities of individual students<br />

<strong>and</strong> the impact of their racial, class, <strong>and</strong> gender groups, educational psychologist is blinded to the<br />

subjective nature of its own discipline. This single mindedness blocks educational psychology<br />

from realizing (<strong>and</strong> deeming that realization worthy) the social constructions of the lived reality<br />

of students.<br />

Jacqueline Jordan Irvine, in Black Students <strong>and</strong> School Failure: Policies, Practices, <strong>and</strong> Prescriptions,<br />

posits that black students are subject to school failure because of their race, social<br />

class, <strong>and</strong> culture. According to Irvine, race is a “salient factor that contributes to unequal school<br />

treatment, participation, <strong>and</strong> distribution of rewards for all black students.” She goes on to say,<br />

“black students regardless of social class <strong>and</strong> education, do not share with whites equal opportunities<br />

for jobs, housing, <strong>and</strong> political <strong>and</strong> economic power” (p. xxii). Her observations force me<br />

to ask how would the experiences of students be different if they lived in a society that constantly<br />

attempted to place them at the bottom?<br />

Joe: Research on the educational status of low-status groups in other countries provides important<br />

insight into the psychological assessment <strong>and</strong> educational performance of marginalized students<br />

in American schools. In Sweden, Finnish people are viewed as inferior—the failure rate for<br />

Finnish children in Swedish schools is very high. When Finnish children immigrate to Australia,<br />

however, they do well—as well as Swedish immigrants. The same can be said for Korean children<br />

in Japanese schools versus Korean children in American schools. The results are numerous <strong>and</strong><br />

generally follow the same pattern: racial, ethnic, <strong>and</strong> class groups who are viewed negatively or<br />

as inferiors in a nations dominant culture tend to perform poorly in that nation’s schools. Such<br />

research helps dispose of the arguments that schools failure results from the cultural inferiority of<br />

the poor or the marginalized. It teaches us that power relations between groups (class, race, ethnic,<br />

gender, etc.) must be considered when various children’s performance is studied. Without the<br />

benefits derived from such underst<strong>and</strong>ings brilliant <strong>and</strong> creative young people from marginalized<br />

backgrounds will continue to be relegated to the vast army of the inferior <strong>and</strong> untalented. Such an<br />

injustice is intolerable in America. There is something wrong with a discipline that cannot discern<br />

the impact of the social on the psychological, that claims neutrality <strong>and</strong> objectivity but fails to<br />

appreciate its own sociocultural embeddedness, <strong>and</strong> that consistently rewards the privileged for<br />

their privilege <strong>and</strong> punishes the marginalized for their marginalization.<br />

Rochelle: Yes, so what we need is a system that underst<strong>and</strong>s the difference <strong>and</strong> therefore develops curriculum<br />

that helps students to appreciate the social, political, historical, <strong>and</strong> economic forces that<br />

shape their lives. Program designs that do not take note of the differences, <strong>and</strong> develop approaches

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