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Educational Psychology—Limitations and Possibilities

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Introduction 33<br />

egocentric culture that is taught to avoid such an orientation. Taking Varela’s question seriously,<br />

postformalists merge their critical orientation with enactivism. Combining their power literacy<br />

with an enactivist effort to enact compassion in the specificity <strong>and</strong> immediacy of everyday life,<br />

postformalists struggle to transcend egocentrism <strong>and</strong> move psychological scholarship to a new<br />

domain of political underst<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>and</strong> informed action. At this point Varela’s insights dovetail<br />

synergistically with the cognitive theory of John Dewey.<br />

Dewey was always concerned with connecting the ability to think critically with issues of<br />

ethical sensibility <strong>and</strong> social reform. Indeed, he was impatient with scholars who sought to<br />

develop gr<strong>and</strong>iose theories <strong>and</strong> abstract truths outside of any connection to the real life problems<br />

of human beings. Cognitive studies in this critical context can never retreat to the privileged<br />

position of mere contemplation—there must always be an active, operative grounding to such<br />

scholarship. Had they been contemporaries Dewey <strong>and</strong> Varela could have engaged in a fascinating<br />

conversation around the issue of enacting reflective, contextualized, <strong>and</strong> critical forms of thinking.<br />

Montserrat Castelló <strong>and</strong> Luis Botella in this volume challenge educational psychologists to take<br />

up these political challenges, maintaining that any form of ethical practice dem<strong>and</strong>s that they<br />

engage in the social debates of their time <strong>and</strong> place.<br />

One might ask why do relatively few professionals operating in the field of educational psychology<br />

connect their work to such social debates. Obviously, the epistemological <strong>and</strong> paradigmatic<br />

dynamics discussed throughout this introduction contribute to such inactivity. The political tasks<br />

of postformalism are often hidden from overt view by the power wielders of the contemporary<br />

electronic social condition. In the information saturation of hyperreality power shapes information<br />

<strong>and</strong> access to dangerous information that challenges the status quo in a covert manner.<br />

Michelle Stack writes in her chapter in this volume about the power of television to represent the<br />

world in particular but in hidden ideological ways. As Stephen Brookfield writes in “Reclaiming<br />

Critical Thinking as Ideology Critique,” we often operate in the midst of ideology without ever<br />

knowing it. Indeed, educational psychologists <strong>and</strong> many teachers unfamiliar with critical power<br />

theory will often deny the political nature of their professional work. I’m just measuring student<br />

academic performance, psychometricians will tell us. It is the role of postformalists to help such<br />

professionals underst<strong>and</strong> the discursive, ideological, <strong>and</strong> regulatory dimensions of their work.<br />

Such an effort to bring individuals to a literacy of power is delicate <strong>and</strong> complex. It must<br />

be undertaken with great respect for the many talents the learner possesses <strong>and</strong> the unique<br />

knowledges he or she brings to the table. Just as one learns mathematical literacy or technological<br />

literacy, the individual engaged in developing a literacy of power enters into particular power<br />

relationships with the critical teacher. The critical teacher must always be sensitive to the ways<br />

this relationship can be abused <strong>and</strong> be represented as a simplistic hierarchy as one “in the know”<br />

<strong>and</strong> one who is ignorant. Postformalists are radical in their pursuit of humility in their efforts to<br />

engage various individuals in a literacy of power in general <strong>and</strong> in the psychological domain in<br />

particular. It must sensitively <strong>and</strong> carefully lay out the way that particular ways of conceptualizing<br />

cognition <strong>and</strong> the role of educational psychology produce a power illiteracy.<br />

As Scot Evans <strong>and</strong> Isaac Prilleltensky maintain in their chapter here, such an illiteracy renders<br />

individuals unable to “challenge dominant ideas about what society should be like.” Indeed,<br />

they posit, psychological counselors, for example, who lack a power literacy often engage unconsciously<br />

in psychologizing problems in ways that socially <strong>and</strong> politically decontextualize<br />

their interventions. Such psychologizing leads to strategies that blame the victim for his or her<br />

oppression. Underst<strong>and</strong>ing these political dynamics, counselors can operate with an underst<strong>and</strong>ing<br />

of connecting the macro <strong>and</strong> the micro, the social <strong>and</strong> the individual. Beckoning the spirit<br />

of Dewey, Patricia Whang extends Evans <strong>and</strong> Prilleltensky’s insights by reminding readers in<br />

her chapter in this volume that education always performs for better or worse particular social<br />

functions. A literacy of power moves us to see beyond the blinders of mechanism’s abstract<br />

individualism.

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