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Educational Psychology—Limitations and Possibilities

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542 The Praeger H<strong>and</strong>book of Education <strong>and</strong> Psychology<br />

most employment positions do. But c<strong>and</strong>idacy for high-status professions results from success at<br />

examinations involving declarative knowledge.<br />

Another reason for the comparative recency of interest in how we acquire knowledge in action<br />

may be a function of where research on learning has traditionally taken place. Research<br />

on learning, like most psychological research, has traditionally been conducted in psychology<br />

departments on university campuses, where it is relatively easy to find an abundance of potential<br />

research subjects <strong>and</strong> many examples of learning. Research on learning has also been<br />

conducted in schools, which aspire for their students to succeed in university, <strong>and</strong> thus teach<br />

the declarative knowledge that universities value. Not surprisingly, research on learning tended<br />

to reflect the available participants <strong>and</strong> material. So the high status of academic knowledge appears<br />

to have distracted us from asking questions about how the knowledge of action might be<br />

acquired.<br />

Many writers have challenged the high status of academic knowledge. John Dewey argued<br />

strongly for the inclusion of vocational subjects in the education of all high school students.<br />

More recently, Donald Schön championed the cause of action knowledge. In The Reflective<br />

Practitioner: How Professionals Think in Action (1983), Schön demonstrated the complexity<br />

of knowledge-in-action <strong>and</strong> showed how successful practice depends on two different kinds of<br />

reflection. Reflection-on-action is the more usual form of reflection in which we think about our<br />

actions <strong>and</strong> their consequences after the event. This is to be contrasted with reflection-in-action<br />

in which there is a “conversation” between the knower <strong>and</strong> the action, a kind of conversation in<br />

which unusual events in practice are processed without deliberation but with a reflection within<br />

the action itself. Schön exp<strong>and</strong>s on this in his second book, Educating the Reflective Practitioner<br />

(1987), in which examples of complex performance are used to show how reflection-in-action<br />

contributes to competence, as in piano playing <strong>and</strong> architectural drawing.<br />

At about the same time that Schön was demonstrating the dem<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> complexity of knowingin-action,<br />

other researchers were becoming intrigued with a rather different form of action<br />

knowledge that has become known as situated cognition. The research emphasis in situated<br />

cognition is jointly on the role cognition plays in authentic <strong>and</strong> complex learning <strong>and</strong> on the role<br />

that the context or situation plays. Learning is assumed to go on in the interplay between the<br />

learner <strong>and</strong> the context, with the context being an integral part of what is learned. Vygotsky in<br />

his Mind in Society (1978) described how human activities take place in cultural settings <strong>and</strong><br />

cannot be understood apart from those settings. In this perspective learning is fundamentally<br />

experiential <strong>and</strong> fundamentally social. Thus research on situated cognition takes us into realistic<br />

settings that are quite different from studies of learning in schools <strong>and</strong> universities. Many of the<br />

settings studied are workplaces.<br />

In situated cognition, the interest is the complex relationships between the knower or learner<br />

<strong>and</strong> the relevant elements of the environment, sometimes called affordances. For example, in<br />

Communities of Practice: Learning, Meaning <strong>and</strong> Identity (1998), Etienne Wenger (1998) reported<br />

on his ethnographic fieldwork in the medical-claims–processing center of a large U.S.<br />

insurance company. He uses his accounts of the way people interact with one another <strong>and</strong> with<br />

the shared knowledge of the workplace to develop a social theory of learning. This way of underst<strong>and</strong>ing<br />

learning rests on the dual concepts of practice (especially a community of practice)<br />

<strong>and</strong> of identity. In Wenger’s study, a group of claims processors were observed struggling with<br />

a complex worksheet that the company called the COB worksheet <strong>and</strong> that the processors called<br />

“the C, F, <strong>and</strong> J thing.” The processors knew the steps to complete the worksheet <strong>and</strong> described it<br />

as “self-explanatory,” while they professed no underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the reasons that the calculation<br />

was the way it was. The processors gave up on making sense of what they did, acknowledging<br />

that perhaps the company didn’t want them to underst<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> they put their effort into creating a<br />

work atmosphere in which that bit of ignorance would not be a liability. In practice, underst<strong>and</strong>ing

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