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Educational Psychology—Limitations and Possibilities

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Knowledge or Multiple Knowings 653<br />

it heard the tone <strong>and</strong> began watering at the mouth. These ideas of what came to be known as<br />

“classical conditioning” are still very much a part of schooling practices today. The school recess<br />

bell represents perhaps the most evocative contemporary example.<br />

Basic learning mechanism theories have been particularly influential however, in studies related<br />

to infants. Possibly the most famous (or infamous) of all studies in this regard is that performed<br />

by Watson <strong>and</strong> Rayner (1920). Watson, an early member of the behaviorist school argued that<br />

if behavior is conditioned it could, as a consequence, be modified or changed by experience,<br />

either through punishment or rewards. In order to demonstrate their theory that children’s fears<br />

of animals were not innate but were in fact shaped by their environment, they exposed a ninemonth-old<br />

boy to several white-colored animals such as a rat, a rabbit, a dog etc. The baby at<br />

first proceeded to play with the animals with no apparent sense of fright. They then hit a steel bar<br />

with a hammer just behind the baby’s head as he reached for the rabbit. The boy subsequently<br />

cried with fear at the loud noise. After several repetitions of the hammer hitting the bar, the baby<br />

proceeded to cry whenever he saw the rabbit. Watson <strong>and</strong> Rayner reported that the child’s fear of<br />

the white rabbit extended to the many white, fuzzy objects he was also shown, including a dog,<br />

a fur coat, <strong>and</strong> even a Santa Claus mask. Fear of white rabbits, fur coats, <strong>and</strong> Santa Claus masks<br />

is not inherited, they argued, it is learned.<br />

Despite the profound ethical issues raised here, the overall idea that behavior can be conditioning<br />

through rewards <strong>and</strong> punishment has become a staple of Western concepts of teaching<br />

<strong>and</strong> learning. We see this in the hierarchical allocation of rewards <strong>and</strong> punishments in the schools<br />

<strong>and</strong> specifically the operation of merit badges. One of the main proponents associated with this<br />

area of educational psychology is that of B. F. Skinner (1904–1990). According to Skinner, the<br />

process known as “operant conditioning” (that is to say, learning through rewards <strong>and</strong> punishments)<br />

“shapes behavior as a sculpture shapes clay” (Cole <strong>and</strong> Cole, 1993, p. 16). The implication<br />

here is that all students enter the schools as disembodied lumps of clay. As such, the teacher’s<br />

role lies in shaping these mere lumps into a fixed, institutionally sanctioned, cultural entity of<br />

what counts as the norm. Where there is deviation from the norm it is to be hammered back<br />

into normal shape. But what does this mean for student subjectivities that do not conform to this<br />

preset (<strong>and</strong> pre-invented) cultural norm? What does this mean for students entering the schools<br />

<strong>and</strong> classrooms whose “shapes” are formed through the embodied knowledges of difference?<br />

As Philip Corrigan (1990, p. 156) has rightly pointed out schools not only teach subjects they<br />

also teach, <strong>and</strong> make subjectivities. In this sense, hegemonic discourses of superiority/inferiority<br />

are invested <strong>and</strong> constituted in the racialized bodies of students through the epistemic <strong>and</strong><br />

material violence of colonial knowledge <strong>and</strong> through the violent routines of normalization. Oppressive/repressive<br />

messages proclaiming what is culturally/racially legitimate <strong>and</strong> what is not<br />

are pervasive in discourses of normalization. They are structurally grounded in the hidden culture<br />

of the schooling institution itself. They become explicit/implicit in forms that project a “deep<br />

curriculum” (Sefa Dei et al., 1997, p. 144) that is to say, those formal <strong>and</strong> informal aspects<br />

of the school environment that intersect with both the cultural environment <strong>and</strong> the organizational<br />

life of the school. As a result White/Eurocentric neocolonial dominance is spoken loudly<br />

<strong>and</strong> unequivocally in the formations of normalizing routines that are institutionally supported.<br />

Minoritized students are constrained into disembodied silence <strong>and</strong> their capacities of expression<br />

<strong>and</strong> communication severely regulated by cultural/racially charged discourses of what is considered<br />

acceptable, appropriate, or what is approved <strong>and</strong> not approved. It is the educator <strong>and</strong> more<br />

accurately the “deep curriculum” that determines which bodies should speak <strong>and</strong> which should<br />

not. What is considered speech <strong>and</strong> what is not. What should be spoken, for how long, in what<br />

form, <strong>and</strong> in what language. As Corrigan (1990, p. 160) has noted, it is through this process<br />

that “we can begin to see how schooling hurts.” We begin to see how normalizing routines are<br />

productive of “active wounds,” that is to say wounds that are seared into the struggles of students

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