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Reflections on the Human Condition - Api-fellowships.org

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194 SESSION III<br />

US$430 per household per m<strong>on</strong>th and <strong>the</strong> central<br />

government c<strong>on</strong>tributes half <strong>the</strong> costs. The costs<br />

for <strong>the</strong> elderly are fur<strong>the</strong>r subsidized from a fund of<br />

pooled c<strong>on</strong>tributi<strong>on</strong>s from all <strong>the</strong> insurance plans.<br />

This direct subsidizati<strong>on</strong> of <strong>the</strong> old by <strong>the</strong> young,<br />

in additi<strong>on</strong> to government subsidies and incomeproporti<strong>on</strong>al<br />

premiums, makes <strong>the</strong> Japanese<br />

system more egalitarian than <strong>the</strong> German system<br />

of social insurance.<br />

Healthcare Providers:<br />

• Hospitals. Most hospitals are small, family<br />

enterprises that developed from physicians’ offices.<br />

The large hospitals are owned by <strong>the</strong> nati<strong>on</strong>al or<br />

local governments, voluntary <strong>org</strong>anizati<strong>on</strong>s, and<br />

universities. For-profit investor-owned hospitals<br />

have been prohibited since (1948? 1965?), but<br />

<strong>the</strong> existing, company-owned hospitals which<br />

provided services to <strong>the</strong>ir employees and <strong>the</strong> local<br />

community were allowed to c<strong>on</strong>tinue. Their<br />

numbers have been declining in <strong>the</strong> last four<br />

decades. Similarly, physician-owned hospitals<br />

while not classified as investor-owned, n<strong>on</strong>e<strong>the</strong>less<br />

operate as commercial entities and <strong>the</strong> returns<br />

here as well have not fuelled a major expansi<strong>on</strong> of<br />

<strong>the</strong> for-profit hospital sector.<br />

• Physicians. The vast majority of physicians are in<br />

solo practice. Private practiti<strong>on</strong>ers cannot attend<br />

hospitalized patients, and hospital physicians<br />

(o<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> owner) work for a salary not<br />

tied to <strong>the</strong>ir practice loads. Physicians in private<br />

practice working mainly in primary care have<br />

roughly double <strong>the</strong> income of specialists, who<br />

are employed in hospitals. The latter however<br />

are c<strong>on</strong>sidered to be of higher status with <strong>the</strong><br />

opportunities to provide professi<strong>on</strong>ally rewarding<br />

specialty care. (see secti<strong>on</strong> below <strong>on</strong> fee schedule)<br />

Nati<strong>on</strong>al Fee Schedule<br />

Payments to providers, regardless of <strong>the</strong> insurance<br />

scheme and where <strong>the</strong> care is received, is in accordance<br />

with a uniform nati<strong>on</strong>al fee schedule. The fee schedule<br />

lists all procedures and products that can be paid for by<br />

health insurance and sets <strong>the</strong>ir prices. Balance billing—<br />

billing <strong>the</strong> patient for fees not covered by insurance—<br />

is strictly prohibited. Public-sector and academic<br />

hospitals however receive direct subsidies from (local)<br />

government or university budgets, for capital and<br />

occasi<strong>on</strong>ally operating expenses.<br />

Patients can choose any physician or hospital within<br />

traveling distance, and physicians have much clinical<br />

Ref lecti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Human</strong> C<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>: Change, C<strong>on</strong>flict and Modernity<br />

The Work of <strong>the</strong> 2004/2005 API Fellows<br />

aut<strong>on</strong>omy to decide about appropriate treatments. To<br />

prevent egregious over-treatment, claims are reviewed<br />

retrospectively by a committee of physicians at <strong>the</strong> local<br />

level before reimbursement. While this clearly can be<br />

challenged as an independent review mechanism, <strong>the</strong><br />

administrative costs in Japan are n<strong>on</strong>e<strong>the</strong>less about half<br />

those in <strong>the</strong> United States.<br />

Dispensati<strong>on</strong> of Drugs<br />

The weakness of this review system, however, is evident<br />

in dispensing practices, in which <strong>the</strong>re is no formal<br />

separati<strong>on</strong> between pharmacists and physicians in<br />

Japan. Physicians and hospitals derive a substantial<br />

proporti<strong>on</strong> of <strong>the</strong>ir income from dispensing medicati<strong>on</strong>,<br />

and <strong>the</strong> tendency to over-prescribe has resulted in <strong>the</strong><br />

per capita expenditures <strong>on</strong> pharmaceuticals (US$116)<br />

being higher than in <strong>the</strong> United States (US$109), even<br />

though overall spending <strong>on</strong> health care is much lower.<br />

The salient features of <strong>the</strong> Japanese healthcare<br />

system are <strong>the</strong>refore as follows:<br />

• Universal coverage: <strong>the</strong> three insurance schemes<br />

cover essentially <strong>the</strong> entire populati<strong>on</strong>;<br />

• Relatively egalitarian: c<strong>on</strong>tributi<strong>on</strong>s proporti<strong>on</strong>al<br />

to income, extensive cross subsidies, plus top-up<br />

subsidies from government budgets for <strong>the</strong> less<br />

wealthy; and<br />

• Moderate aggregate health expenditures, by<br />

OECD standards.<br />

The last two features are a direct c<strong>on</strong>sequence of <strong>the</strong><br />

authority wielded by government agencies in regulating<br />

<strong>the</strong> healthcare system (most importantly, <strong>the</strong> Ministry<br />

of Labor, Health and Welfare), which has substantial<br />

influence over <strong>the</strong> fees schedule negotiated with <strong>the</strong><br />

medical professi<strong>on</strong> (Japanese Medical Associati<strong>on</strong>,<br />

JMA) and <strong>the</strong> hospitals, and <strong>the</strong> prices paid to suppliers<br />

of medical inputs.<br />

The c<strong>on</strong>cessi<strong>on</strong>s to <strong>the</strong> powerful JMA (Takemi Taro<br />

legacy) are n<strong>on</strong>e<strong>the</strong>less evident in <strong>the</strong> existing modus<br />

vivendi: c<strong>on</strong>tinuing bias in <strong>the</strong> fee schedule which favors<br />

GPs over hospital-based specialists (JMA represent GPs<br />

more than hospital-based specialists), <strong>the</strong> persistent<br />

tendency to overmedicate referred to above (in <strong>the</strong><br />

c<strong>on</strong>text of liberal clinical aut<strong>on</strong>omy), <strong>the</strong> exempti<strong>on</strong><br />

allowed for physician-owned private hospitals, and <strong>the</strong><br />

relatively unregulated nature of professi<strong>on</strong>al practice,<br />

specialist accreditati<strong>on</strong>, and medical quality assurance<br />

(malpractice and professi<strong>on</strong>al misc<strong>on</strong>duct).<br />

But what it also means is that <strong>the</strong>re is, at <strong>the</strong> moment,

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