Reflections on the Human Condition - Api-fellowships.org

70
SESSION II
Kita menggodoki, merumusi lewat diskusi, menulis
artikel di Koran-koran dan responnya saya kira udah
bagus. Artinya ada penerimaan oleh masyarakat
bahwa JIL jadi lain, sebagai satu pergerakan yang
awal ingin counter wajah-wajah keras.” 13
Yet post-9/11, more specifically after the invasions
of Afghanistan and Iraq, has witnessed bombings in
Indonesia carried out by Muslim extremists. The Bali
bombing of 12 October 2002 14 perpetrated by those accused
of being members of JI, is one example that hit the
headlines around the world. More than 200 perished in
what was beyond question an ugly scene of terrible peace
time carnage, on an island resort of international repute
often referred to as paradise.
Despite this media portrayed terror-charged atmosphere
that reportedly blighted the islands of Indonesia,
much of such reportage proved to be somewhat off the
mark. While security at such public places as, especially,
high-end shopping complexes and hotels in Jakarta,
have been beefed up substantially, Indonesians appear
unperturbed, as demonstrated by the findings of a recent
survey undertaken by the US-based International
Foundation for Election Systems (IFES).
One issue that has lost resonance since the 2003 survey
was the perceived lack of security in the country fingered
as the nation’s biggest problem, which dropped from
13 percent in 2003 to 2 percent this year. Forty-eight
percent of those surveyed felt safer compared to last
year, including those in the conflict areas of Maluku
and Papua. In 2003, only 27 percent felt this way. 15
It should be noted, however, that the perceived “lack of
security” referred to above had much to do with criminal
activity, both petty and serious, that plagued much of
the streets of the country’s major cities due to high rates
of unemployment resulting from the regional financial
meltdown of 1997, which also accelerated the downfall
of Suharto’s 32-year presidency.
And, thus was ushered in an era of pro-democracy
reforms, better known as Reformasi. The latter, when
factored into the political development of Indonesia,
can be the reason for Islam taking an unprecedented
course, one that could re-orientate the Islamic world
towards modernity. However, what push or/and pull
factors would spur it in this direction remains uncertain.
This paper hopes to identify some of these factors.
Ref lections on the Human Condition: Change, Conflict and Modernity
The Work of the 2004/2005 API Fellows
FROM NEW ORDER DICATIOSHIP TO
REFORMASI
The Suharto regime is nothing if not notorious for
its oppression: iron fist curbing of political freedoms.
Ushered in by a bloodbath of frightening proportions
that witnessed the literal violent annihilation of the free
world’s largest ever communist party, the Partai Komunis
Indonesia (PKI), the so-called New Order government
spearheaded by Suharto and backed by the Indonesian
military, TNI, had few compunctions about dealing
severely with its critics. The aftermath of the massacre of
PKI members, for example, witnessed the internment
of surviving members and their family.
Margondo (Hardono), a former political prisoner now
in his late 80s, was exiled to Buru Island, Maluku for
14 years starting in 1969, together with others accused
of having links to the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI),
which was accused by the generals of masterminding a
coup attempt in 1965. Former president Soeharto rose
to power after the alleged coup attempt. 16 for many
years. They were banned from participating in general
elections, and from working in government institutions
and the military. 17
Until recently political prisoners are isolated in gulags
like Pulau Buru for years, their rights as citizens stripped
from them.
Thousands of political prisoners, mostly linked to the
PKI, were sent to Buru Island during the period of
Soeharto’s(sic) New Order regime. Families of political
prisoners also had to bear discriminatory practices
They seek rehabilitation of these rights until today, but
success is slow.
There were, too, many political activists that went missing.
Parents of still missing political activists of the Suharto
era live in hope of one day discovering the fate of their
loved ones.
Outright oppression was supplemented with, for good
measure, a manipulation of the electoral system and the
elections. During Suharto’s 32 years, eight elections
were held under very restricted conditions intended to
ensure the success of Golkar, his party. Additionally,
as a way of holding on to the support of the military,
parliamentary seats were allocated to guarantee its
participation in the legislative process of the country
thus ensuring that parliament is nothing more than a
rubber stamp for the policies of Suharto, the former
general, and his backers, the TNI. That the latter came
unglued over allegations of abduction of activists by the