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Reflections on the Human Condition - Api-fellowships.org

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• May 1995 Filed lawsuits against Miyagi and Tokyo<br />

Prefectures;<br />

• January 1996 Coordinated <strong>the</strong> Sec<strong>on</strong>d Meeting of<br />

Citizen Ombudsmen,;<br />

• June 1996 A Tokyo Court judgment ordered<br />

Tokyo Prefecture to disclose <strong>the</strong> names of officials and<br />

attendants in entertainment;<br />

• July 1996 A Sendai Court judgment ordered <strong>the</strong><br />

disclosure of names and provided a precedent for <strong>the</strong><br />

definiti<strong>on</strong> of privacy;<br />

• April 2000 A Sendai District Court ordered <strong>the</strong><br />

prefecture police and assembly to disclose certain police<br />

informati<strong>on</strong> excluding expenses with providers; and<br />

• June 2001 The Sendai High Court, overturning<br />

<strong>the</strong> Sendai District Court ruling, ordered <strong>the</strong> Miyagi<br />

Prefecture to disclose details of food-related expenses<br />

incurred by <strong>the</strong> prefecture police. (Lapeta)<br />

Campaigns were initiated by filing requests for<br />

informati<strong>on</strong> disclosure. Then <strong>the</strong> Ombudsman,<br />

employing o<strong>the</strong>r lawyers, filed lawsuits in case <strong>the</strong> request<br />

was rejected or disclosure was unsatisfactory. Ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />

issue that should be menti<strong>on</strong>ed as an outstanding<br />

case is <strong>the</strong> establishment of <strong>the</strong> nati<strong>on</strong>wide network.<br />

This network has investigated food and beverage<br />

expenses [shokuryohi], official entertainment expenses<br />

[kankansettai], and empty business trip [karashucchoo].<br />

Then <strong>the</strong>y expanded <strong>the</strong>ir experience for nati<strong>on</strong>wide<br />

activities.<br />

Around late 1995, <strong>the</strong> Nati<strong>on</strong>al Citizen Ombudsman<br />

announced its new target <strong>on</strong> <strong>the</strong> karashucchoo. At that<br />

time, <strong>the</strong> Ombudsmen became well-known and <strong>the</strong> press<br />

followed <strong>the</strong>ir movement closely. After <strong>the</strong>ir next target<br />

had been published, progressive governors commenced<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir own investigati<strong>on</strong>s. A total of 43.6 billi<strong>on</strong> yen was<br />

identified as fake spending by 25 prefectures, 30 billi<strong>on</strong><br />

yen was called back and more than 20,000 prefecture<br />

officials nati<strong>on</strong>wide were reprimanded or subjected to<br />

disciplinary measures.<br />

This situati<strong>on</strong> allows us to realize that local governments<br />

were forced to follow citizen opini<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> <strong>the</strong> next target<br />

for investigati<strong>on</strong>, o<strong>the</strong>rwise <strong>the</strong> Ombudsmen would<br />

investigate.<br />

Needless to say, <strong>the</strong> activities of <strong>the</strong> Sendai Ombudsmen<br />

and <strong>the</strong> Nati<strong>on</strong>al Citizens Ombudsmen Organizati<strong>on</strong><br />

caused changes in local government can be claimed<br />

citizen participati<strong>on</strong> in local administrati<strong>on</strong>. The<br />

Citizen Ombudsman’s activities sent two clear messages<br />

to governments:<br />

1) insufficient transparency would produce a lower<br />

rating that would reflect badly <strong>on</strong> both <strong>the</strong> prefecture<br />

SOCIAL JUSTICE, HUMAN RIGHTS AND CIVIL SOCIETY<br />

405<br />

and its public officials; and<br />

2) lavish wining and dining and falsifying expenses<br />

claims would no l<strong>on</strong>ger be tolerated. (Kingst<strong>on</strong>: 2004, 47)<br />

The establishment of informati<strong>on</strong> disclosure systems<br />

at <strong>the</strong> local level was set in moti<strong>on</strong> by <strong>the</strong> mid-1990s<br />

movements of taxpayers to expose cases of accountbook<br />

juggling in local governments. During <strong>the</strong><br />

1990s, Japanese vocabulary was enriched through <strong>the</strong><br />

performance of civil society. For example:<br />

• Kan-kan settai, enkai gyosei, and karashccho—describing<br />

some of <strong>the</strong> seamy realities of public life;<br />

• Kan-kan settai [official-to-official entertainment] refers<br />

to <strong>the</strong> widespread practice of local government officials<br />

entertaining nati<strong>on</strong>al government bureaucrats to<br />

curry favor and hopefully tap into central government<br />

funding;<br />

• Enkai gyosei [partying bureaucrats] is <strong>the</strong> derisive<br />

appellati<strong>on</strong> for officials who enjoy high living <strong>on</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

public purse; and<br />

• Karashuccho [empty business trip] refers to <strong>the</strong> claiming<br />

of travel expenses for n<strong>on</strong>-existent business trips.<br />

(Kingst<strong>on</strong>: 2004, 46)<br />

These words came from informati<strong>on</strong> disclosure activitities<br />

that lifted <strong>the</strong> secrecy veil of local governments.<br />

The revelati<strong>on</strong>s that emerged at this time dealt a heavy<br />

blow to <strong>the</strong> public-equals-official society. It was found<br />

that local government officials had made a comm<strong>on</strong><br />

practice of siph<strong>on</strong>ing off public funds through <strong>the</strong><br />

manipulati<strong>on</strong> of accounts billed under such categories<br />

as official trips and extra hires, using <strong>the</strong> funds to<br />

entertain visiting officials from <strong>the</strong> ministries in Tokyo<br />

as a means of soliciting generous subsidies from <strong>the</strong><br />

central government. (Shin’ichi: 1999, 40-41)<br />

The success of informati<strong>on</strong> disclosure in Japan depended<br />

<strong>on</strong> a number of interrelated factors:<br />

1) individuals or <strong>org</strong>anizati<strong>on</strong>s’willingness to submit<br />

requests and access government informati<strong>on</strong>;<br />

2) knowing how to effectively use requested informati<strong>on</strong><br />

to exercise oversight and participate in policymaking;<br />

3) electing politicians who will support disclosure;<br />

4) highlighting <strong>the</strong> importance of electing political<br />

leaders who will establish and interpret rules favorable<br />

to transparency;<br />

5) representatives’ stance <strong>on</strong> informati<strong>on</strong> disclosure;<br />

6) building an independent judiciary and judicial<br />

reform;<br />

7) media support; and<br />

8) <strong>the</strong> strength and aut<strong>on</strong>omy of NPOs. (Kingst<strong>on</strong>:<br />

2004, 67)<br />

Ref lecti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Human</strong> C<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>: Change, C<strong>on</strong>flict and Modernity<br />

The Work of <strong>the</strong> 2004/2005 API Fellows

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