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Educational Psychology—Limitations and Possibilities

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32 The Praeger H<strong>and</strong>book of Education <strong>and</strong> Psychology<br />

the most important positions may be the ones with which mainstream educational psychology<br />

is the most unfamiliar. Employing these knowledges postformalism provides a way out, an escape<br />

from the ideological blinders of the mechanistic worldview.<br />

Postformalism <strong>and</strong> the Basis for a Political <strong>Educational</strong> Psychology<br />

In a hegemonized <strong>and</strong> colonized educational system the role of educational psychology becomes<br />

even more important than it has been—<strong>and</strong> it has historically played a central role in<br />

shaping educational policy <strong>and</strong> practice. Postformalism is deeply concerned with exposing the<br />

importance of mechanistic educational psychology <strong>and</strong> its real life consequences. As Ellen Essick<br />

points out in her chapter, “Gender <strong>and</strong> <strong>Educational</strong> Psychology,” women are regulated via the<br />

“performance of femininity.” Essick’s powerful argument helps readers underst<strong>and</strong> the way these<br />

politics of gender shape <strong>and</strong> are shaped by educational psychology. Taking a cue from Essick,<br />

postformalists call for a political educational psychology that studies not only the performance of<br />

femininity but also power-shaped performances in the domains of race, class, ethnicity, sexuality,<br />

etc.<br />

Erica Burman’s powerful chapter on the gendering of childhood extends these power <strong>and</strong> gender<br />

themes, as it traces the way they inform even the way we theorize the development of children.<br />

(In this context take a look at Nicole Green’s fascinating account of the problems of mechanistic<br />

developmentalism in “Homeschooling: Challenging Traditional Views of Public Education.”) In<br />

Burman’s analysis of developmentalism, the child manifests cognitive development by embracing<br />

a masculine rationalistic gender model. In this same manner mechanistic descriptions of higher<br />

order thinking have privileged a cultural masculinity. Power operates not only in these ways in<br />

ed psych but is connected to all dimensions of the domain. Every theory, every research method,<br />

every interpretive construct in the field is a contested concept that is intimately connected to<br />

issues of power. How psychologists <strong>and</strong> their discipline is historically <strong>and</strong> socially situated is<br />

a dynamic of power—moreover, the way we interpret this situatedness is affected by power.<br />

(See Rochelle Brock <strong>and</strong> Joe Kincheloe’s chapter on the politics of educational psychology,<br />

“<strong>Educational</strong> Psychology in a New Paradigm: Learning a Democratic Way of Teaching.”)<br />

In his chapter, “Reclaiming Critical Thinking as Ideology Critique,” Stephen Brookfield argues<br />

in the spirit of critical theorist Herbert Marcuse that “the struggle to think conceptually is always a<br />

political struggle.” He follows this notion with the assertion—central to postformalism’s notion of<br />

a political educational psychology—that “political action <strong>and</strong> cognitive movement are partners ...<br />

in the development of a revolutionary consciousness.” In this spirit postformalists reassert the<br />

inseparability of the political <strong>and</strong> the psychological. How we teach individuals to think in a<br />

rigorous manner is highly political. What we teach them to think about is infused with politics.<br />

There is no way to escape this power dynamic, no matter how hard many mechanists say they<br />

have tried.<br />

When we construct a curriculum, power is involved. When we evaluate student performance,<br />

power is involved. When we embrace certain educational goals <strong>and</strong> reject others, power is<br />

involved. Some educational psychologists suggest that intelligence involves knowing your way<br />

around. Postformalists ask: where is it that we want to know our way around <strong>and</strong> what is it we<br />

want to do after we know our way around. Both of these questions are both constructed by <strong>and</strong><br />

answered in relation to issues of power. As critical interpretivists have taught us, cognition does<br />

not take place in a vacuum. Do we work to get to know our way around the country club so we<br />

can cultivate business contacts <strong>and</strong> improve our personal socioeconomic status? Or do we get<br />

to know our way around the political structures of the city so we can work to help individuals<br />

struggling to survive the poverty they face daily?<br />

A political educational psychology asks <strong>and</strong> answers these types of questions. Francisco Varela<br />

asks in this political psychological context: how can compassionate concern be fostered in an

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