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One additional construction needs to be examined before leaving the topic of noun compounding. In Mono, a there are a large number of agentive nouns (Cloarec- Heiss, p. 134, refers to them as noms d’agent), consisting of = = = = ‘person, owner’ plus a noun or infinitive verb (14). The form = = = = is a truncation of =AC =AC =AC =AC ‘person, owner’. 4 In some cases, there is variation between the two, e.g. = = = = =M= =M= =M= =M= ~ =AC =AC =AC =AC =M= =M= =M= =M= ‘servant, employee’. (14) Sample agentive nouns =C =C =C =C ‘inhabitant’ < = = = = ‘person’ + C C C C ‘village’ = = = = =C>= =C>= =C>= =C>= ~ =AC =AC =AC =AC =C>= =C>= =C>= =C>= ‘thief’ = = = = =( =( =( =( ‘thumb’ = = = = > > JK JK JK JK ‘deaf person’ = = = = =CAA =CAA =CAA =CAA ‘host’ = = = = ==5A ==5A ==5A ==5A > > 5= 5= 5= 5= ‘polygamist’ = = = = K(MKI( K(MKI( K(MKI( K(MKI( ‘wise person’ = = = = (@ (@ (@ (@ @ @ @ @ ‘farmer’ This process is reminiscent of an agentive construction in English in which the morpheme man is suffixed to a noun (e.g. milkman, postman, congressman). Agentive nouns in Mono share some properties with compounds. First, they are of the same form as the associative noun phrase, with the head being the first element. Second, there is formal reduction, since =AC =AC =AC =AC becomes = = = = . Third, there can be semantic restriction, e.g. = = = = =( =( =( =( ‘thumb (lit: person of hand)’. Fourth, there is phonological modification in that the A of =AC =AC =AC =AC becomes E in = = = = . It is not clear whether = = = = should be considered a separate word or whether the compound has truly become fused. It is a bound morpheme which must occur with a following element, whereas =AC =AC =AC =AC is a free morpheme. However, when the following 4 Cloarec-Heiss (p. 135) states that in Linda the agentive form comes from the word A A A A ‘mother’. There is indeed formal identity between the two words in Linda (and in Mono as well), but the source in Mono of the agentive form is clearly =AC =AC =AC =AC ‘person, owner’, based on examples such as = = = = =M= =M= =M= =M= ~ =AC =AC =AC =AC =M= =M= =M= =M= ‘servant, employee’ where there is variation between the two, as well as native speaker intuitions about the source. 101
element begins with a vowel, vowel hiatus results which is typically not resolved (that is, one of the vowels is not deleted), contrary to the normal case with most compounds. Kamanda (p. 319) hypothesizes that this is a case of grammaticalization in process. What began as an associative noun phrase has undergone compounding. Now = = = = is in the process of becoming a derivational agentive prefix, but does not yet exhibit all the properties of a true prefix. Derivation. Mono has several derivational processes. Boyd (1995: 11) claims that derivation in the Ubangian languages essentially creates nominals from verbs (he specifically discusses Gbaya, Banda, Ngbandi, and Sango). Both Cloarec-Heiss (pp. 116, 121) and Kamanda (p. 281) interpret the data in this way as well. I will treat derivation in the same way, but there is some evidence (which I will discuss) that some cases of derivation could be interpreted as progressing in the opposite direction, that is, from a nominal to a verb. The first derivational process to be discussed is the creation of a nominal from a verb with no affixing, but with the process of subminimal root augmentation applying if its structural description is met. In Mono, a large number of mostly stative and intransitive verbs can become either a noun or a descriptive adjective. Since nominals must be bisyllabic, subminimal root augmentation applies to monosyllabic forms, as shown in (15). Note that SRA also applies to verbs of the form CV1LV1. (15) Nominals derived from stative or intransitive verbs a. High tones F F F F ‘tart’ < FE FE FE FE ‘be tart’ (Adj < Stat V) K(@K( K(@K( K(@K( K(@K( ‘sweet’ < @K @K @K @K ‘be sweet’ (Adj < Stat V) ((H( ((H( ((H( ((H( ‘dry’ < H H H H ‘dry’ (Adj < Intr V) A(CA(H( A(CA(H( A(CA(H( A(CA(H( ‘big (sg)’ < CAH CAH CAH CAH ‘grow’ (Adj < Intr V) A(>A( A(>A( ‘big, fat’ < >A >A ‘swell, become fat’ (Adj < Intr V) (@(H( (@(H( (@(H( (@(H( ‘ripe, red’ < @H @H @H @H ‘ripen’ (Kamanda 1998: 659) (Adj < Intr V) (I( (I( (I( (I( ‘place’ < I I I I ‘be (existential) (N < Stat V) =(=( =(=( =(=( =(=( ‘trip’ < = = = = ‘come, go’ (N < Intr V) A(A( A(A( A(A( A(A( ‘fruit’ < A A A A ‘bear fruit’ (N < Intr V) (( (( (( (( ‘laughter’ < ‘laugh’ (N < Intr V) 102
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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO THE PHONO
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TABLE OF CONTENTS VOLUME ONE LIST O
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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1: The lan
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LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1: Banda sub
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Rhodes, Jim Roberts, Doug Sampson,
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ABSTRACT In this dissertation, I de
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This dissertation is dedicated to t
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There are several languages in the
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The Bubanda region is located to th
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convincing. More will be said about
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Her phonological analysis consists
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study informing the internal classi
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men hunt small game, but large game
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third of CAR. At its peak, the Uban
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of Lingala is reduced, both for men
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language. Also, code switching is n
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Finally, several documents dealing
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with the contrast between sounds, a
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CHAPTER 2 PHONEMES In this chapter,
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4. Frequency of occurrence. If a so
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Mono consonants share several trait
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Despite the fact that the labial fl
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The data in (1) show sample contras
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However, contrasts are readily atte
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case of the pronouns. If the pronou
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2.2 Vowels b. Labial-velar and lab
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If = were reinterpreted as a low fr
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The data in (19) show sample contra
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= Table 2.1: Consonant-vowel combin
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CHAPTER 3 TONE The majority of Afri
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(3) Tautomorphemic words containing
Page 63 and 64: 3.2 Grammatical tone Besides the le
Page 65 and 66: (13) a. = = = = = C=@( C=@( C=@( C=
Page 67 and 68: Certain locative adverbs in Mono ha
Page 69 and 70: CHAPTER 4 LABIALIZATION AND PALATAL
Page 71 and 72: tongue position in addition to a pr
Page 73 and 74: However, this is not what we find.
Page 75 and 76: 4.2 Suggested interpretations Chao
Page 77 and 78: each vowel in the sequence. She con
Page 79 and 80: consonant to be lower in sonority t
Page 81 and 82: entire word as its domain, which wo
Page 83 and 84: phonemically as ia, or as a semi-vo
Page 85 and 86: is suggested by Blevin’s (1995: 2
Page 87 and 88: . Alveolar ⎯ J =J=H= =J=H= =J=H=
Page 89 and 90: this is that these words bear stres
Page 91 and 92: Arabic, Japanese, Lardil, Estonian,
Page 93 and 94: (3) Underlying forms of sample V1CV
Page 95 and 96: the words, ‘far’, F F F F
Page 97 and 98: The adjective == == == == ‘small
Page 99 and 100: One question which arises is whethe
Page 101 and 102: 1994, Elders 2000), most of which f
Page 103 and 104: In my corpus of data, adverbs begin
Page 105 and 106: contains several morphemes are term
Page 107 and 108: (2) Sample animate nouns a. C> C> C
Page 109 and 110: Second, certain adjectives are lexi
Page 111 and 112: Thus, according to Kamanda’s hypo
Page 113: (13) Sample compound nouns in Mono
Page 117 and 118: Cloarec-Heiss (1972: 86) for Linda.
Page 119 and 120: 121) considers this to be an unprod
Page 121 and 122: document clearly the formal propert
Page 123 and 124: Repetitive aspect (REP). The repeti
Page 125 and 126: (31) a. ( ( ( ( I( I( I( I( (F= (F=
Page 127 and 128: There is a plural form ( (, ( ( whi
Page 129 and 130: 7.1.3 Prepositional morphology Most
Page 131 and 132: (45) a. I( I( I( I( (= (= (= (=
Page 133 and 134: (49) a. ( ( ( ( → ~
Page 135 and 136: which reduces to '' ' ' in casual s
Page 137 and 138: CHAPTER 8 ACOUSTIC PHONETICS While
Page 139 and 140: This chapter consists of four parts
Page 141 and 142: Figure 8.2: Waveform and spectrogra
Page 143 and 144: Figure 8.4: Waveform and spectrogra
Page 145 and 146: languages on one hand (Degema and t
Page 147 and 148: Figure 8.8: Waveform of the possibl
Page 149 and 150: Figure 8.12: Waveform and spectrogr
Page 151 and 152: oth Speakers A and K. In Speaker A
Page 153 and 154: In the tokens I examined, then, I f
Page 155 and 156: ief glottalic ingressive mechanism,
Page 159 and 160: labial-velar stops is shorter than
Page 161 and 162: formant transitions at the release
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(1973) suggest plotting F1 vs. F2',
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Table 8.4: Bandwidth averages. Unit
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Figure 8.30: Plot of F1 vs. F3 (Spe
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Second, the value of F2 for the Mon
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start of or H. The second vowel wa
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Words with only two syllables shoul
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presence of a nasal formant at the
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Figures 8.40 and 8.41 show spectrog
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Second, I argue in Chapter 4 that l
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transition from the secondary artic
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linguistic universals and tendencie
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The two secondary articulations fou
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APPENDIX A TEXTS This appendix cont
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( 11. “>== >== >== >== =( =( =( =
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20. “A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( == =
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33. “ @ @ @ @ J5(( J5(( J5(( J
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( 43. A@A A@A A@A A@A I( I( I( I( (
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( 55. J5A J5A J5A J5A =( =( =( =( =
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( ( ( =( =( =( =( ( ( ( ( MK( M
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( 9. =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK A
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9. C> C> C> C> CA( CA( CA( CA( AC=
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Table A.2: Frequency counts of vowe
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=@AC =@AC =@AC =@AC n. bend, crook,
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== == == == M(A( M(A( M(A( M(A( n.
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(( ( >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= CJ
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@A @A @A J5(( J5(( J5(( J5(( v. cho
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A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( CKIK CKIK n
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C=>= C=>= C=>= C=>= v. honor, admir
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C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= CK> CK> CK>
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ADJ. sharp. F F ADJ. tart. ADJ
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=5A =5A =5A =5A =C= =C= =C= =C= n.
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=>= =>= =>= =>= n. knife. #0929. =(
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= = = = Variant: >= >= >= >= n. ill
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F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK n. slip
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ (>= (>= (>= (>= n.
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H >H >H >H (5( (5( (5( (5( v. be dr
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— @ @ @ @ — @= @= @= @= v. vomi
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ AAF= AAF= AAF= AAF=
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(C>( (C>( (C>( (C>( Variant: =(C>(
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I I I I @ @ @ @ A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A
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J=@= J=@= J=@= J=@= n. lamp, torch.
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— J5 J5 — J5=( J5=( PREP.
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KK KK KK KK n. thigh (the part of t
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M=H M=H M=H M=H n. manioc paste. M=
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=M=( =M=( =M=( =M=( n. bitter herbs
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APPENDIX C AN EVALUATION OF NIGER-C
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changes to Greenberg’s work. This
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Williamson bases much of her classi
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original division between the two b
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Stewart and Williamson interpret th
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C.3.1 Inclusion of Bantu within Nig
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Third, the supposedly borrowed word
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Watters (1989: 409) notes that *KCM
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Congo. Greenberg (1970) named it Ad
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is already satisfied, and thus form
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The second major issue with respect
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difference of syllable structure) a
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published and personally elicited.
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languages compared. Consider a triv
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sound correspondences, and thus has
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in that they most often come about
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approximating gross groupings, ther
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The International Phonetic Alphabet
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One question which arises immediate
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Table D.1: Genetic affiliation of l
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This is identical to what Catford (
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D.5 Phonological status D.5.1 Evalu
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7. Borrowed words. If the sound is
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(4) Contrast with other labial soun
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(7) Sample lexical items in Karang
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which are shown in (11). Third, the
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distribution of the labial flap bea
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In addition, we provide evidence co
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South Mofu [MIF] (Cameroon). Barret
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the mouth (Karanga) or ‘of flicki
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ilabial or labiodental. Lim conside
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words are found in those subgroups.
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‘joint’, CM CM CM CM ‘ankle
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Feroge [FER] (Sudan). Santandrea (1
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the Méré dialect in the words CKL
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Mvuba [MXH] (D. R. Congo). Demolin
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Labial flap (1) Files labfl1_11025.
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Implosives and labialization (7) Fi
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(23) Secondary articulations I(
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(36) M= M= ‘send’ =(J= =(J= =(J
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MK( MK( I( I( I( I( AA AA AA AA
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial con
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Table F.1, continued. e. Labial co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. f. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. h. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Velar/glot
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial-vel
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Table F.2, continued. K E K@ K@
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Table F.3, continued. (12)
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Table F.4: Formant and bandwidth va
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Table F.4, continued. LA@= Spec 368
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 326.
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 532.86
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Table F.4, continued. > 5= Spec 619
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Table F.5, continued. E > 5= ‘two
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REFERENCES Arom, Simha, and France
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Buchanan, Michael. 1996. Rapport d
Page 373 and 374:
Demolin, Didier. 1988. Some problem
Page 375 and 376:
Greenberg, Joseph H. 1995. The conc
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International Phonetic Association.
Page 379 and 380:
McCarthy, John J., and Alan S. Prin
Page 381 and 382:
Pozzati, Aurelio. 1987. Vocabolario
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Thomas, Jacqueline M.-C. 1963. Le p
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