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5.1 Syllable types<br />

In Mono, <strong>the</strong>re are two unambiguous syllable patterns: CV <strong>and</strong> V. The CV<br />

syllable type is generally considered to be a typological universal (Burquest 1998: 150), 1<br />

perhaps because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> perceptual salience <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> release portion <strong>of</strong> a consonant (Ohala &<br />

Kawasaki 1984), so its presence in Mono is to be expected. The V syllable type has a<br />

limited distribution, only occurring unambiguously in word-initial position in Mono.<br />

However, word-initial onsetless syllables are cross-linguistically very common (Burquest<br />

1998: 154), so its presence in Mono is also unproblematic. There are no cases <strong>of</strong> syllable-<br />

final consonants in Mono.<br />

Several ambiguous syllable types occur in Mono. These include CGV (G = glide,<br />

or semi-vowel), CV1V2 (where V1 ≠ V2), CV, <strong>and</strong> CLV (L = liquid).<br />

The first ambiguous syllable type is CGV. This pattern is discussed in detail in<br />

Chapter 4 with respect to labialization <strong>and</strong> palatalization. Distributional restrictions limit<br />

<strong>the</strong> segments which precede <strong>and</strong> follow <strong>the</strong> semi-vowel in <strong>the</strong>se syllables. Velar <strong>and</strong><br />

glottal consonants (, C, C C, C C , <strong>and</strong> D) may precede both semi-vowels (w <strong>and</strong> j), <strong>and</strong> in<br />

rare cases , , <strong>and</strong> precede . With a few exceptions discussed in Chapter 4, <strong>the</strong> semi-<br />

vowels in this position always precede <strong>the</strong> vowel a. The fact that <strong>the</strong> semi-vowels co-<br />

occur mostly with stop consonants <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> low vowel a is not surprising. These<br />

phonemes represent <strong>the</strong> extremes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sonority hierarchy. As Goldsmith (1990: 111)<br />

points out, “[L]anguages may...require that <strong>the</strong> differences in sonority between adjacent<br />

segments be greater than a certain amount.” If a language allows only a radically reduced<br />

set <strong>of</strong> three-segment syllables, it seems reasonable to expect that <strong>the</strong> initial <strong>and</strong> final<br />

segments should be limited to those found at <strong>the</strong> extremes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sonority hierarchy. One<br />

possible explanation for <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> labial <strong>and</strong> coronal stops in <strong>the</strong> onset <strong>of</strong> such syllables<br />

1<br />

See Breen & Pensalfini (1999) for a possible counter-example to this claim in <strong>the</strong> Australian<br />

language Arrernte.<br />

71

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