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c. A(IK A(IK A(IK A(IK ( ( ( ( M= M= M= M= J(A J(A J(A J(A C=F=( C=F=( C=F=( C=F=( 5 5 5 5 Jesus SS return:FUT REFL-3SG on-top soil ‘Jesus will return to earth.’ d. ==( ==( ==( ==( F=( F=( F=( F=( =(C=( =(C=( =(C=( =(C=( 1PL.INCL:FUT REP-eat:FUT another DET EMPH ‘We will eat again later.’ There has been some discussion in the literature concerning the precise distinction between what I am calling the non-future and the future tenses. Boyd (1989: 206) notes that many Adamawa-Ubangi languages have a basic distinction between perfective aspect (the situation is looked at from the outside, without distinguishing its internal structure) and imperfective aspect (the situation is looked at from the inside, and is concerned with the internal structure; cf. Comrie 1976:4). For Linda, Cloarec-Heiss (pp. 310ff) considers this distinction to be one of completed (“accompli”) aspect (the process or state is considered to be acquired or certain) versus incompleted (“inaccompli”) aspect (the process or state is considered to be incertain or in the process of succeeding; cf. Boyd 1995: 22). This is the distinction that Kamanda chooses in describing Mono. However, Cloarec-Heiss (1995b: 85) changes her mind and considers the distinction in Linda to be one of real mode (the process or state is considered to be existing) and virtual mode (the process or state is considered possible or desirable; cf. Boyd 1995:22). The data in my corpus point toward a distinction of non-future versus future, but a more detailed study is necessary to clarify this. Progressive aspect. The progressive aspect is indicated by the verb (I (I (I (I ‘to be’ inflected for TAM, followed by the infinitive form of the main verb. (25) a. I( I( I( I( ( ( ( ( J5 J5 J5 J5 1SG be:NF INF-hit song ‘I am (was) singing.’ b. ( ( ( ( I I I I ( ( ( ( J5 J5 J5 J5 1SG:FUT be:NF INF-hit song ‘I will be singing.’ c. I(I( I(I( I(I( I(I( (= (= (= (= C=(=CK( C=(=CK( C=(=CK( C=(=CK( AA AA AA AA 1SG RED-be:NF INF-go to.water NEG ‘I’m not going to the water.’ 109
Repetitive aspect (REP). The repetitive aspect is indicated by the invariable prefix F= F=( F= F= before the verb stem. The verb stem may be inflected for various TAM. (26) a. F=( F=(IK( F=( F=( IK( IK( IK( =(C=( =(C=( =(C=( =(C=( 1SG REP-draw:NF other DET ‘I drew (water) again.’ b. F=( F=(F= F=( F=( F= F= F= =(C=( =(C=( =(C=( =(C=( REP-say:IMP other DET ‘Repeat. (lit: say again)’ c. F=( F=(I( F=( F=( I( I( I( (K (K (K (K = = = = =@(A =@(A =@(A =@(A J5 J5 J5 J5 F=H= F=H= K(@K( K(@K( H H H H B B B B 1SG REP-be INF-ask mother 1SG that 3SG look.for rest thing DET BEN 1SG ‘I was again asking my mother to look for some leftovers for me.’ Stative aspect (STAT). The stative aspect (cf. Payne 1997: 240) is marked by reduplication of the first syllable of the verb. The reduplicant bears a HL falling tone while the first syllable of the verb root bears a L tone. (27) a. ( ( ( ( 5K(K5K 5K(K5K 5K(K5K 5K(K5K it RED:STAT-bitter:STAT ‘It is bitter.’ b. ( ( ( ( C=(=C= C=(=C= C=(=C= C=(=C= it RED:STAT-stir.with.difficulty:STAT ‘It is difficult to stir.’ c. F=J= F=J= F=J= F=J= K(KKHK K(KKHK K(KKHK K(KKHK mud RED:STAT-be.slippery:STAT ‘The mud was slippery.’ Conditional mood (COND). The conditional mood is indicated by the invariable prefix plus the verb stem. In my corpus, the verb stem is marked as non-future. The second clause in the construction is often marked as future. (28) a. >(H >(H >(H >(H =J= =J= C> C> C> C> ( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( @( @( @( @( M=(= M=(= 2SG COND-do:NF thus child of 1SG 1SG:FUT like:FUT 2SG much ‘If you do this, my child, I will love you a lot.’ b. =(=( =(=( =(=( =(=( AA AA AA AA (J( (J( (J( (J( @( @( @( @( ( ( ( ( >=A >=A >=A >=A 2SG COND-RED-come:NF NEG being DET COP problem of 2SG one ‘If you do not come, the problem will be yours alone.’ 110
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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO THE PHONO
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TABLE OF CONTENTS VOLUME ONE LIST O
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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1: The lan
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LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1: Banda sub
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Rhodes, Jim Roberts, Doug Sampson,
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ABSTRACT In this dissertation, I de
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This dissertation is dedicated to t
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There are several languages in the
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The Bubanda region is located to th
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convincing. More will be said about
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Her phonological analysis consists
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study informing the internal classi
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men hunt small game, but large game
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third of CAR. At its peak, the Uban
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of Lingala is reduced, both for men
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language. Also, code switching is n
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Finally, several documents dealing
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with the contrast between sounds, a
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CHAPTER 2 PHONEMES In this chapter,
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4. Frequency of occurrence. If a so
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Mono consonants share several trait
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Despite the fact that the labial fl
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The data in (1) show sample contras
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However, contrasts are readily atte
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case of the pronouns. If the pronou
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2.2 Vowels b. Labial-velar and lab
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If = were reinterpreted as a low fr
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The data in (19) show sample contra
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= Table 2.1: Consonant-vowel combin
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CHAPTER 3 TONE The majority of Afri
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(3) Tautomorphemic words containing
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3.2 Grammatical tone Besides the le
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(13) a. = = = = = C=@( C=@( C=@( C=
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Certain locative adverbs in Mono ha
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CHAPTER 4 LABIALIZATION AND PALATAL
Page 71 and 72: tongue position in addition to a pr
Page 73 and 74: However, this is not what we find.
Page 75 and 76: 4.2 Suggested interpretations Chao
Page 77 and 78: each vowel in the sequence. She con
Page 79 and 80: consonant to be lower in sonority t
Page 81 and 82: entire word as its domain, which wo
Page 83 and 84: phonemically as ia, or as a semi-vo
Page 85 and 86: is suggested by Blevin’s (1995: 2
Page 87 and 88: . Alveolar ⎯ J =J=H= =J=H= =J=H=
Page 89 and 90: this is that these words bear stres
Page 91 and 92: Arabic, Japanese, Lardil, Estonian,
Page 93 and 94: (3) Underlying forms of sample V1CV
Page 95 and 96: the words, ‘far’, F F F F
Page 97 and 98: The adjective == == == == ‘small
Page 99 and 100: One question which arises is whethe
Page 101 and 102: 1994, Elders 2000), most of which f
Page 103 and 104: In my corpus of data, adverbs begin
Page 105 and 106: contains several morphemes are term
Page 107 and 108: (2) Sample animate nouns a. C> C> C
Page 109 and 110: Second, certain adjectives are lexi
Page 111 and 112: Thus, according to Kamanda’s hypo
Page 113 and 114: (13) Sample compound nouns in Mono
Page 115 and 116: element begins with a vowel, vowel
Page 117 and 118: Cloarec-Heiss (1972: 86) for Linda.
Page 119 and 120: 121) considers this to be an unprod
Page 121: document clearly the formal propert
Page 125 and 126: (31) a. ( ( ( ( I( I( I( I( (F= (F=
Page 127 and 128: There is a plural form ( (, ( ( whi
Page 129 and 130: 7.1.3 Prepositional morphology Most
Page 131 and 132: (45) a. I( I( I( I( (= (= (= (=
Page 133 and 134: (49) a. ( ( ( ( → ~
Page 135 and 136: which reduces to '' ' ' in casual s
Page 137 and 138: CHAPTER 8 ACOUSTIC PHONETICS While
Page 139 and 140: This chapter consists of four parts
Page 141 and 142: Figure 8.2: Waveform and spectrogra
Page 143 and 144: Figure 8.4: Waveform and spectrogra
Page 145 and 146: languages on one hand (Degema and t
Page 147 and 148: Figure 8.8: Waveform of the possibl
Page 149 and 150: Figure 8.12: Waveform and spectrogr
Page 151 and 152: oth Speakers A and K. In Speaker A
Page 153 and 154: In the tokens I examined, then, I f
Page 155 and 156: ief glottalic ingressive mechanism,
Page 159 and 160: labial-velar stops is shorter than
Page 161 and 162: formant transitions at the release
Page 165 and 166: (1973) suggest plotting F1 vs. F2',
Page 167 and 168: Table 8.4: Bandwidth averages. Unit
Page 169 and 170: Figure 8.30: Plot of F1 vs. F3 (Spe
Page 171 and 172: Second, the value of F2 for the Mon
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start of or H. The second vowel wa
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Words with only two syllables shoul
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presence of a nasal formant at the
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Figures 8.40 and 8.41 show spectrog
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Second, I argue in Chapter 4 that l
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transition from the secondary artic
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linguistic universals and tendencie
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The two secondary articulations fou
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APPENDIX A TEXTS This appendix cont
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( 11. “>== >== >== >== =( =( =( =
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20. “A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( == =
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33. “ @ @ @ @ J5(( J5(( J5(( J
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( 43. A@A A@A A@A A@A I( I( I( I( (
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( 55. J5A J5A J5A J5A =( =( =( =( =
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( ( ( =( =( =( =( ( ( ( ( MK( M
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( 9. =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK A
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9. C> C> C> C> CA( CA( CA( CA( AC=
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Table A.2: Frequency counts of vowe
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=@AC =@AC =@AC =@AC n. bend, crook,
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== == == == M(A( M(A( M(A( M(A( n.
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(( ( >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= CJ
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@A @A @A J5(( J5(( J5(( J5(( v. cho
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A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( CKIK CKIK n
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C=>= C=>= C=>= C=>= v. honor, admir
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C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= CK> CK> CK>
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ADJ. sharp. F F ADJ. tart. ADJ
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=5A =5A =5A =5A =C= =C= =C= =C= n.
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=>= =>= =>= =>= n. knife. #0929. =(
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= = = = Variant: >= >= >= >= n. ill
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F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK n. slip
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ (>= (>= (>= (>= n.
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H >H >H >H (5( (5( (5( (5( v. be dr
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— @ @ @ @ — @= @= @= @= v. vomi
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ AAF= AAF= AAF= AAF=
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(C>( (C>( (C>( (C>( Variant: =(C>(
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I I I I @ @ @ @ A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A
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J=@= J=@= J=@= J=@= n. lamp, torch.
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— J5 J5 — J5=( J5=( PREP.
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KK KK KK KK n. thigh (the part of t
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M=H M=H M=H M=H n. manioc paste. M=
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=M=( =M=( =M=( =M=( n. bitter herbs
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APPENDIX C AN EVALUATION OF NIGER-C
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changes to Greenberg’s work. This
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Williamson bases much of her classi
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original division between the two b
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Stewart and Williamson interpret th
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C.3.1 Inclusion of Bantu within Nig
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Third, the supposedly borrowed word
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Watters (1989: 409) notes that *KCM
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Congo. Greenberg (1970) named it Ad
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is already satisfied, and thus form
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The second major issue with respect
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difference of syllable structure) a
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published and personally elicited.
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languages compared. Consider a triv
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sound correspondences, and thus has
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in that they most often come about
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approximating gross groupings, ther
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The International Phonetic Alphabet
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One question which arises immediate
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Table D.1: Genetic affiliation of l
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This is identical to what Catford (
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D.5 Phonological status D.5.1 Evalu
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7. Borrowed words. If the sound is
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(4) Contrast with other labial soun
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(7) Sample lexical items in Karang
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which are shown in (11). Third, the
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distribution of the labial flap bea
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In addition, we provide evidence co
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South Mofu [MIF] (Cameroon). Barret
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the mouth (Karanga) or ‘of flicki
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ilabial or labiodental. Lim conside
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words are found in those subgroups.
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‘joint’, CM CM CM CM ‘ankle
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Feroge [FER] (Sudan). Santandrea (1
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the Méré dialect in the words CKL
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Mvuba [MXH] (D. R. Congo). Demolin
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Labial flap (1) Files labfl1_11025.
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Implosives and labialization (7) Fi
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(23) Secondary articulations I(
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(36) M= M= ‘send’ =(J= =(J= =(J
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MK( MK( I( I( I( I( AA AA AA AA
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial con
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Table F.1, continued. e. Labial co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. f. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. h. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Velar/glot
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial-vel
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Table F.2, continued. K E K@ K@
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Table F.3, continued. (12)
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Table F.4: Formant and bandwidth va
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Table F.4, continued. LA@= Spec 368
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 326.
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 532.86
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Table F.4, continued. > 5= Spec 619
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Table F.5, continued. E > 5= ‘two
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REFERENCES Arom, Simha, and France
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Buchanan, Michael. 1996. Rapport d
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Demolin, Didier. 1988. Some problem
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Greenberg, Joseph H. 1995. The conc
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International Phonetic Association.
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McCarthy, John J., and Alan S. Prin
Page 381 and 382:
Pozzati, Aurelio. 1987. Vocabolario
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Thomas, Jacqueline M.-C. 1963. Le p
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