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distribution of the labial flap bears a partial resemblance to that of labial-velar stops.
Besides the occurrence of the labial flap in southeastern Africa, which can be accounted
for by migration patterns as discussed in Section D.2, the distribution of the labial flap is
wholly subsumed within that of labial-velar stops. In addition, Boyd (1974: 51, 82-3)
identifies sound correspondences between labial-velar stops and the labial flap in the
Adamawa group, given in (12). He consequently posits the sound change *C> C> C> > L (p. 55).
Our tentative hypothesis, then, is that the labial flap arose as a sound change from a
labial-velar stop in Adamawa-Ubangi.
(12) Sound correspondences between C> C> and L in Adamawa (Boyd 1974)
‘hit’ ‘throw’ ‘scratch’
Ndai [GKE] C>= C>= C>= C>= C>K C>K C>K C>=C>K C>=C>K C>=C>K C>=C>K
Dama [DMM] C>=H C>=H
C>= C>=
C>=
Pana [PNZ] C>KA C>KA C>KA C>KA C> C> C> C> FKKA FKKA FKKA FKKA
Pam [PMN], Mono [MRU] C>=H C>=H
F= F= F= F=
Kuo C>K C>K F= F= F= F=
Dii C> C> C> C> C>L( C>L( C>L( C>L( F F F F
Karang L= L= LK LK LK C>= C>= C>= C>=
Nzakmbay L= L= LK LK LK C>= C>= C>= C>=
Kare L= L= LK LK LK C>= C>=
C>=
Mbum L= L= L= LK LK LK >== >== >== >==
Note that there are no lexical items where C> C> is attested in cognates in all of the
languages under consideration. The closest is the lexical item for ‘scratch’, shown in (12).
It is interesting to note that this hypothesis of a Niger-Congo origin for the labial
flap accords with a hypothesis set forth in Greenberg (1959, 1983). He notes that many
features unique (or almost unique) to Africa can be found in a large central area of Africa
which includes Niger-Congo, Songhai, Central Sudanic, and Chadic. In examining four
of these features—labial-velar stops, the labial flap, the use of the verb ‘to surpass’ to
mark the comparative, and the use of a single term to indicate both ‘animal’ and ‘meat’—
he traces them all back to a Niger-Congo origin, except for the labial flap, for which he
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