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not attested, nor is it attested in the other tokens examined. Thus, Mono labial-velar stops cannot be considered implosive based on this acoustic property. The popping sound occasionally heard in Mono labial-velar stops, then, is likely attributable to velaric suction. Mono labial-velars appear to pattern like the majority of labial-velars in Ladefoged’s study, that is, they have both pulmonic egressive and velaric ingressive airstreams, but no glottalic ingressive airstream. The second issue concerning labial-velar stops is whether the two articulations are produced simultaneously, or whether they are staggered. My auditory impressions of the sound in Mono indicate that the velar closure begins prior to the labial closure, and that the velar release occurs prior to the labial release. Maddieson (1993, cited in Ladefoged & Maddieson 1996) provides evidence for this from electromagnetic articulography for Ewe. Connell (1994) points out that several researchers have provided acoustic evidence for this staggering by showing that the formant transitions at the release of the labial- velars correspond to those at the release of labial stops. Specifically, the values of F1, F2, and F3 all rise on release. Figures 8.23, 8.24, and 8.25 show spectrograms of the words =(C>=( =(C>=( ‘dugout canoe’, =>=( =>=( ‘father’, and >=C=( >=C=( ‘cheek’, respectively. Note that the formant transitions at the release of the labial-velar and labial stops all rise, whereas F2 of the velar stop has a noticeable drop in value after release. One significant difference between the labial-velar and labial stops is that the F2 transition of the labial-velar stop (Figure 8.23) shows a rise from a value of 1000 Hz to 1400 Hz in about 23 ms, whereas the F2 transition for the labial stop (Figure 8.24) appears to have an abrupt transition. Connell (1994) claims that the labial-velar F2 transition is steeper and more prominent than the labial F2 transition. While I could not verify this claim, we can see from comparing Figures 8.23 and 8.24 that the F2 transition plays a prominent role in distinguishing the two sounds. 143
Figure 8.23: Waveform and spectrogram of the word =(C>=( =(C>=( ‘dugout canoe’ (Speaker K) Figure 8.24: Waveform and spectrogram of the word =>=( =>=( ‘father’ (Speaker K) 144
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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO THE PHONO
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TABLE OF CONTENTS VOLUME ONE LIST O
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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1: The lan
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LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1: Banda sub
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Rhodes, Jim Roberts, Doug Sampson,
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ABSTRACT In this dissertation, I de
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This dissertation is dedicated to t
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There are several languages in the
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The Bubanda region is located to th
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convincing. More will be said about
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Her phonological analysis consists
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study informing the internal classi
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men hunt small game, but large game
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third of CAR. At its peak, the Uban
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of Lingala is reduced, both for men
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language. Also, code switching is n
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Finally, several documents dealing
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with the contrast between sounds, a
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CHAPTER 2 PHONEMES In this chapter,
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4. Frequency of occurrence. If a so
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Mono consonants share several trait
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Despite the fact that the labial fl
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The data in (1) show sample contras
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However, contrasts are readily atte
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case of the pronouns. If the pronou
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2.2 Vowels b. Labial-velar and lab
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If = were reinterpreted as a low fr
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The data in (19) show sample contra
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= Table 2.1: Consonant-vowel combin
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CHAPTER 3 TONE The majority of Afri
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(3) Tautomorphemic words containing
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3.2 Grammatical tone Besides the le
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(13) a. = = = = = C=@( C=@( C=@( C=
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Certain locative adverbs in Mono ha
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CHAPTER 4 LABIALIZATION AND PALATAL
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tongue position in addition to a pr
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However, this is not what we find.
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4.2 Suggested interpretations Chao
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each vowel in the sequence. She con
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consonant to be lower in sonority t
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entire word as its domain, which wo
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phonemically as ia, or as a semi-vo
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is suggested by Blevin’s (1995: 2
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. Alveolar ⎯ J =J=H= =J=H= =J=H=
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this is that these words bear stres
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Arabic, Japanese, Lardil, Estonian,
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(3) Underlying forms of sample V1CV
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the words, ‘far’, F F F F
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The adjective == == == == ‘small
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One question which arises is whethe
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1994, Elders 2000), most of which f
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In my corpus of data, adverbs begin
Page 105 and 106: contains several morphemes are term
Page 107 and 108: (2) Sample animate nouns a. C> C> C
Page 109 and 110: Second, certain adjectives are lexi
Page 111 and 112: Thus, according to Kamanda’s hypo
Page 113 and 114: (13) Sample compound nouns in Mono
Page 115 and 116: element begins with a vowel, vowel
Page 117 and 118: Cloarec-Heiss (1972: 86) for Linda.
Page 119 and 120: 121) considers this to be an unprod
Page 121 and 122: document clearly the formal propert
Page 123 and 124: Repetitive aspect (REP). The repeti
Page 125 and 126: (31) a. ( ( ( ( I( I( I( I( (F= (F=
Page 127 and 128: There is a plural form ( (, ( ( whi
Page 129 and 130: 7.1.3 Prepositional morphology Most
Page 131 and 132: (45) a. I( I( I( I( (= (= (= (=
Page 133 and 134: (49) a. ( ( ( ( → ~
Page 135 and 136: which reduces to '' ' ' in casual s
Page 137 and 138: CHAPTER 8 ACOUSTIC PHONETICS While
Page 139 and 140: This chapter consists of four parts
Page 141 and 142: Figure 8.2: Waveform and spectrogra
Page 143 and 144: Figure 8.4: Waveform and spectrogra
Page 145 and 146: languages on one hand (Degema and t
Page 147 and 148: Figure 8.8: Waveform of the possibl
Page 149 and 150: Figure 8.12: Waveform and spectrogr
Page 151 and 152: oth Speakers A and K. In Speaker A
Page 153 and 154: In the tokens I examined, then, I f
Page 155: ief glottalic ingressive mechanism,
Page 159 and 160: labial-velar stops is shorter than
Page 161 and 162: formant transitions at the release
Page 163 and 164: Figure 8.28: Waveform and spectrogr
Page 165 and 166: (1973) suggest plotting F1 vs. F2',
Page 167 and 168: Table 8.4: Bandwidth averages. Unit
Page 169 and 170: Figure 8.30: Plot of F1 vs. F3 (Spe
Page 171 and 172: Second, the value of F2 for the Mon
Page 173 and 174: start of or H. The second vowel wa
Page 175 and 176: Words with only two syllables shoul
Page 177 and 178: presence of a nasal formant at the
Page 179 and 180: Figures 8.40 and 8.41 show spectrog
Page 181 and 182: Second, I argue in Chapter 4 that l
Page 183 and 184: transition from the secondary artic
Page 185 and 186: linguistic universals and tendencie
Page 187 and 188: The two secondary articulations fou
Page 189 and 190: APPENDIX A TEXTS This appendix cont
Page 191 and 192: ( 11. “>== >== >== >== =( =( =( =
Page 193 and 194: 20. “A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( == =
Page 195 and 196: 33. “ @ @ @ @ J5(( J5(( J5(( J
Page 197 and 198: ( 43. A@A A@A A@A A@A I( I( I( I( (
Page 199 and 200: ( 55. J5A J5A J5A J5A =( =( =( =( =
Page 201 and 202: ( ( ( =( =( =( =( ( ( ( ( MK( M
Page 203 and 204: ( 9. =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK A
Page 205 and 206: 9. C> C> C> C> CA( CA( CA( CA( AC=
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Table A.2: Frequency counts of vowe
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=@AC =@AC =@AC =@AC n. bend, crook,
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== == == == M(A( M(A( M(A( M(A( n.
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(( ( >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= CJ
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@A @A @A J5(( J5(( J5(( J5(( v. cho
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A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( CKIK CKIK n
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C=>= C=>= C=>= C=>= v. honor, admir
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C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= CK> CK> CK>
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ADJ. sharp. F F ADJ. tart. ADJ
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=5A =5A =5A =5A =C= =C= =C= =C= n.
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=>= =>= =>= =>= n. knife. #0929. =(
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= = = = Variant: >= >= >= >= n. ill
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F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK n. slip
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ (>= (>= (>= (>= n.
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H >H >H >H (5( (5( (5( (5( v. be dr
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— @ @ @ @ — @= @= @= @= v. vomi
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ AAF= AAF= AAF= AAF=
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(C>( (C>( (C>( (C>( Variant: =(C>(
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I I I I @ @ @ @ A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A
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J=@= J=@= J=@= J=@= n. lamp, torch.
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— J5 J5 — J5=( J5=( PREP.
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KK KK KK KK n. thigh (the part of t
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M=H M=H M=H M=H n. manioc paste. M=
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=M=( =M=( =M=( =M=( n. bitter herbs
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APPENDIX C AN EVALUATION OF NIGER-C
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changes to Greenberg’s work. This
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Williamson bases much of her classi
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original division between the two b
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Stewart and Williamson interpret th
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C.3.1 Inclusion of Bantu within Nig
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Third, the supposedly borrowed word
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Watters (1989: 409) notes that *KCM
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Congo. Greenberg (1970) named it Ad
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is already satisfied, and thus form
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The second major issue with respect
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difference of syllable structure) a
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published and personally elicited.
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languages compared. Consider a triv
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sound correspondences, and thus has
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in that they most often come about
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approximating gross groupings, ther
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The International Phonetic Alphabet
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One question which arises immediate
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Table D.1: Genetic affiliation of l
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This is identical to what Catford (
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D.5 Phonological status D.5.1 Evalu
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7. Borrowed words. If the sound is
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(4) Contrast with other labial soun
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(7) Sample lexical items in Karang
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which are shown in (11). Third, the
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distribution of the labial flap bea
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In addition, we provide evidence co
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South Mofu [MIF] (Cameroon). Barret
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the mouth (Karanga) or ‘of flicki
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ilabial or labiodental. Lim conside
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words are found in those subgroups.
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‘joint’, CM CM CM CM ‘ankle
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Feroge [FER] (Sudan). Santandrea (1
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the Méré dialect in the words CKL
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Mvuba [MXH] (D. R. Congo). Demolin
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Labial flap (1) Files labfl1_11025.
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Implosives and labialization (7) Fi
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(23) Secondary articulations I(
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(36) M= M= ‘send’ =(J= =(J= =(J
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MK( MK( I( I( I( I( AA AA AA AA
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial con
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Table F.1, continued. e. Labial co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. f. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. h. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Velar/glot
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial-vel
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Table F.2, continued. K E K@ K@
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Table F.3, continued. (12)
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Table F.4: Formant and bandwidth va
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Table F.4, continued. LA@= Spec 368
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 326.
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 532.86
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Table F.4, continued. > 5= Spec 619
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Table F.5, continued. E > 5= ‘two
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REFERENCES Arom, Simha, and France
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Buchanan, Michael. 1996. Rapport d
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Demolin, Didier. 1988. Some problem
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Greenberg, Joseph H. 1995. The conc
Page 377 and 378:
International Phonetic Association.
Page 379 and 380:
McCarthy, John J., and Alan S. Prin
Page 381 and 382:
Pozzati, Aurelio. 1987. Vocabolario
Page 383 and 384:
Thomas, Jacqueline M.-C. 1963. Le p
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