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Indeed, the labial flap is better attested in these three branches of Adamawa-Ubangi than anywhere else in our study. The only Niger-Congo language outside of Adamawa-Ubangi in which Greenberg (1983) attested the sound was Shona, a Bantu language in the Benue-Congo sub-branch of Niger-Congo. However, our findings indicate that the sound is more widespread within Benue-Congo than indicated by Greenberg. It is attested in at least four southeastern African Bantu languages, in two Northern Bantoid languages of Nigeria, and in one Platoid language of Nigeria. In Nilo-Saharan, the sound is found exclusively in the Central Sudanic sub- branch. It is attested in both the East and West branches of Central Sudanic, but it appears to be most common in the East branch. It is clearly contrastive in Mangbetu, but is only found in intervocalic position in that language. In Afro-Asiatic, the labial flap is attested only in the Chadic sub-branch. In all of these languages, it is rare and is attested mostly in ideophones. As mentioned, the labial flap is best attested in Adamawa-Ubangi. This is true in three respects: (1) it is reported to occur in more languages in this group than in any other group, (2) the languages with the largest number of lexical items containing the sound are in this group, and (3) the sound is most clearly contrastive in this group. This observation directly counters the claim by Greenberg (1983) and Cloarec-Heiss (1998) that the greatest concentration of examples is in Central Sudanic. Table D.1 below lists the languages in which we have found evidence for the labial flap, along with their presently-accepted genetic affiliation. For each language, we give the language name as listed in Grimes (1996), and we include in parentheses the countries in which the language is spoken. Parentheses around a language code number indicate that the evidence for the existence of the labial flap in that language is questionable. 278
Table D.1: Genetic affiliation of languages in which the labial flap is attested Afro-Asiatic Chadic c1. Bana (Nigeria, Cameroon) c2. Daba (Cameroon) c3. Gabri (Chad) c4. Gude (Nigeria, Cameroon) c5. Kamwe (Nigeria) c6. Marghi Central (Nigeria) c7. Mokulu (Chad) c8. Pevé (Chad, Cameroon) c9. Ron (Nigeria) c10. South Mofu (Cameroon) c11. Tera (Nigeria) c12. Yiwom (Nigeria) c13. Migaama (Chad) Niger-Congo Benue-Congo Bantoid Northern t1. Kwanja (Cameroon) t2. Samba Daka (Nigeria) t3. Tep (Nigeria) Southern t4. Manyika (Zimb., Mozambique) t5. Ndau (Zimbabwe) t6. Nyanja (Malawi) t7. Shona (Zimbabwe) (t8). Kalanga (Zimbabwe) Platoid p1. Nungu (Nigeria) Adamawa a1. South Fali (Cameroon) Leko-Nimbari a2. Dii (Cameroon) Mbum-Day Bua a3. Gula Iro (Chad) a4. Niellim (Chad) Mbum a5. Karang (Cameroon, Chad) a6. Kare (CAR) a7. Kuo (Chad, Cameroon) a8. Mambai (Cameroon, Chad) a9. Mbum (Cameroon) a10. Mundang (Cameroon, Chad) a11. Nzakmbay (Chad, Cameroon) a12. Tupuri (Cameroon, Chad) Ubangi Banda Central Banda b1. Banda-Bambari (CAR) b2. Banda-Banda (CAR, Sudan) b3. Banda-Mbrès (CAR) b4. Banda-Ndélé (Sudan, CAR) 279 b5. Banda-Yangere (CAR) b6. Banda, Mid-Southern (CAR, DRC) b7. Banda, Togbo-Vara (DRC, CAR) b8. Banda, West Central (CAR) b9. Ngbundu (DRC) b10. Mbandja (DRC, CAR) Ngbandi-Sango-Kpatiri n1. Kpatili (CAR) Gbaya-Manza-Ngbaka g1. Gbaya-Bossangoa (CAR) g2. Gbaya, NW (Cameroon, CAR) g3. Manza (CAR) g4. Ngbaka-Minagende (DRC) Sere-Ngbaka-Mba Sere s1. Bai (Sudan) s2. Feroge (Sudan) s3. Mangayat (Sudan) s4. Ndogo (Sudan) s5. Sere (DRC, CAR) s6. Tagbu (DRC) Ngbaka-Mba s7. Bangba (DRC) (s8). Dongo (DRC) (s9). Ngbaka-Ma’bo (CAR, DRC) Zande z1. Nzakara (CAR) Nilo-Saharan Central Sudanic West Kresh w1. Aja (Sudan) w2. Kresh (Sudan) Bongo-Bagirmi w3. Baka (Sudan) w4. Gula (CAR, Sudan) w5. Morokodo (Sudan) w6. Sar (Chad) w7. Yulu (Sudan, CAR) East Mangbetu e1. Asua (DRC) e2. Lombi (DRC) e3. Mangbetu (DRC) Mangbutu-Efe e4. Efe (DRC) e5. Lese (DRC) e6. Mamvu (DRC) e7. Mvuba (DRC) Austronesian Malayo-Polynesian m1. Sikka (Indonesia)
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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO THE PHONO
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TABLE OF CONTENTS VOLUME ONE LIST O
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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1: The lan
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LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1: Banda sub
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Rhodes, Jim Roberts, Doug Sampson,
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ABSTRACT In this dissertation, I de
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This dissertation is dedicated to t
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There are several languages in the
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The Bubanda region is located to th
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convincing. More will be said about
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Her phonological analysis consists
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study informing the internal classi
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men hunt small game, but large game
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third of CAR. At its peak, the Uban
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of Lingala is reduced, both for men
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language. Also, code switching is n
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Finally, several documents dealing
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with the contrast between sounds, a
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CHAPTER 2 PHONEMES In this chapter,
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4. Frequency of occurrence. If a so
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Mono consonants share several trait
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Despite the fact that the labial fl
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The data in (1) show sample contras
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However, contrasts are readily atte
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case of the pronouns. If the pronou
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2.2 Vowels b. Labial-velar and lab
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If = were reinterpreted as a low fr
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The data in (19) show sample contra
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= Table 2.1: Consonant-vowel combin
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CHAPTER 3 TONE The majority of Afri
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(3) Tautomorphemic words containing
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3.2 Grammatical tone Besides the le
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(13) a. = = = = = C=@( C=@( C=@( C=
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Certain locative adverbs in Mono ha
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CHAPTER 4 LABIALIZATION AND PALATAL
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tongue position in addition to a pr
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However, this is not what we find.
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4.2 Suggested interpretations Chao
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each vowel in the sequence. She con
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consonant to be lower in sonority t
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entire word as its domain, which wo
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phonemically as ia, or as a semi-vo
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is suggested by Blevin’s (1995: 2
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. Alveolar ⎯ J =J=H= =J=H= =J=H=
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this is that these words bear stres
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Arabic, Japanese, Lardil, Estonian,
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(3) Underlying forms of sample V1CV
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the words, ‘far’, F F F F
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The adjective == == == == ‘small
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One question which arises is whethe
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1994, Elders 2000), most of which f
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In my corpus of data, adverbs begin
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contains several morphemes are term
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(2) Sample animate nouns a. C> C> C
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Second, certain adjectives are lexi
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Thus, according to Kamanda’s hypo
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(13) Sample compound nouns in Mono
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element begins with a vowel, vowel
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Cloarec-Heiss (1972: 86) for Linda.
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121) considers this to be an unprod
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document clearly the formal propert
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Repetitive aspect (REP). The repeti
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(31) a. ( ( ( ( I( I( I( I( (F= (F=
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There is a plural form ( (, ( ( whi
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7.1.3 Prepositional morphology Most
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(45) a. I( I( I( I( (= (= (= (=
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(49) a. ( ( ( ( → ~
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which reduces to '' ' ' in casual s
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CHAPTER 8 ACOUSTIC PHONETICS While
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This chapter consists of four parts
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Figure 8.2: Waveform and spectrogra
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Figure 8.4: Waveform and spectrogra
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languages on one hand (Degema and t
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Figure 8.8: Waveform of the possibl
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Figure 8.12: Waveform and spectrogr
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oth Speakers A and K. In Speaker A
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In the tokens I examined, then, I f
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ief glottalic ingressive mechanism,
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labial-velar stops is shorter than
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formant transitions at the release
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(1973) suggest plotting F1 vs. F2',
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Table 8.4: Bandwidth averages. Unit
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Figure 8.30: Plot of F1 vs. F3 (Spe
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Second, the value of F2 for the Mon
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start of or H. The second vowel wa
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Words with only two syllables shoul
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presence of a nasal formant at the
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Figures 8.40 and 8.41 show spectrog
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Second, I argue in Chapter 4 that l
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transition from the secondary artic
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linguistic universals and tendencie
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The two secondary articulations fou
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APPENDIX A TEXTS This appendix cont
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( 11. “>== >== >== >== =( =( =( =
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20. “A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( == =
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33. “ @ @ @ @ J5(( J5(( J5(( J
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( 43. A@A A@A A@A A@A I( I( I( I( (
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( 55. J5A J5A J5A J5A =( =( =( =( =
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( ( ( =( =( =( =( ( ( ( ( MK( M
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( 9. =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK A
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9. C> C> C> C> CA( CA( CA( CA( AC=
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Table A.2: Frequency counts of vowe
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=@AC =@AC =@AC =@AC n. bend, crook,
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== == == == M(A( M(A( M(A( M(A( n.
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(( ( >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= CJ
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@A @A @A J5(( J5(( J5(( J5(( v. cho
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A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( CKIK CKIK n
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C=>= C=>= C=>= C=>= v. honor, admir
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C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= CK> CK> CK>
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ADJ. sharp. F F ADJ. tart. ADJ
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=5A =5A =5A =5A =C= =C= =C= =C= n.
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=>= =>= =>= =>= n. knife. #0929. =(
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= = = = Variant: >= >= >= >= n. ill
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F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK n. slip
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ (>= (>= (>= (>= n.
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H >H >H >H (5( (5( (5( (5( v. be dr
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— @ @ @ @ — @= @= @= @= v. vomi
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ AAF= AAF= AAF= AAF=
Page 241 and 242: (C>( (C>( (C>( (C>( Variant: =(C>(
Page 243 and 244: I I I I @ @ @ @ A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A
Page 245 and 246: J=@= J=@= J=@= J=@= n. lamp, torch.
Page 247 and 248: — J5 J5 — J5=( J5=( PREP.
Page 249 and 250: KK KK KK KK n. thigh (the part of t
Page 251 and 252: M=H M=H M=H M=H n. manioc paste. M=
Page 253 and 254: =M=( =M=( =M=( =M=( n. bitter herbs
Page 255 and 256: APPENDIX C AN EVALUATION OF NIGER-C
Page 257 and 258: changes to Greenberg’s work. This
Page 259 and 260: Williamson bases much of her classi
Page 261 and 262: original division between the two b
Page 263 and 264: Stewart and Williamson interpret th
Page 265 and 266: C.3.1 Inclusion of Bantu within Nig
Page 267 and 268: Third, the supposedly borrowed word
Page 269 and 270: Watters (1989: 409) notes that *KCM
Page 271 and 272: Congo. Greenberg (1970) named it Ad
Page 273 and 274: is already satisfied, and thus form
Page 275 and 276: The second major issue with respect
Page 277 and 278: difference of syllable structure) a
Page 279 and 280: published and personally elicited.
Page 281 and 282: languages compared. Consider a triv
Page 283 and 284: sound correspondences, and thus has
Page 285 and 286: in that they most often come about
Page 287 and 288: approximating gross groupings, ther
Page 289 and 290: The International Phonetic Alphabet
Page 291: One question which arises immediate
Page 295 and 296: This is identical to what Catford (
Page 297 and 298: D.5 Phonological status D.5.1 Evalu
Page 299 and 300: 7. Borrowed words. If the sound is
Page 301 and 302: (4) Contrast with other labial soun
Page 303 and 304: (7) Sample lexical items in Karang
Page 305 and 306: which are shown in (11). Third, the
Page 307 and 308: distribution of the labial flap bea
Page 309 and 310: In addition, we provide evidence co
Page 311 and 312: South Mofu [MIF] (Cameroon). Barret
Page 313 and 314: the mouth (Karanga) or ‘of flicki
Page 315 and 316: ilabial or labiodental. Lim conside
Page 317 and 318: words are found in those subgroups.
Page 319 and 320: ‘joint’, CM CM CM CM ‘ankle
Page 321 and 322: Feroge [FER] (Sudan). Santandrea (1
Page 323 and 324: the Méré dialect in the words CKL
Page 325 and 326: Mvuba [MXH] (D. R. Congo). Demolin
Page 327 and 328: Labial flap (1) Files labfl1_11025.
Page 329 and 330: Implosives and labialization (7) Fi
Page 331 and 332: (23) Secondary articulations I(
Page 333 and 334: (36) M= M= ‘send’ =(J= =(J= =(J
Page 335 and 336: MK( MK( I( I( I( I( AA AA AA AA
Page 337 and 338: Table F.1, continued. d. Labial con
Page 339 and 340: Table F.1, continued. e. Labial co
Page 341 and 342: Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
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Table F.1, continued. f. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. h. Palatal co
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Table F.1, continued. e. Velar/glot
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Table F.1, continued. d. Labial-vel
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Table F.2, continued. K E K@ K@
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Table F.3, continued. (12)
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Table F.4: Formant and bandwidth va
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Table F.4, continued. LA@= Spec 368
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 326.
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Table F.4, continued. > Spec 532.86
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Table F.4, continued. > 5= Spec 619
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Table F.5, continued. E > 5= ‘two
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REFERENCES Arom, Simha, and France
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Buchanan, Michael. 1996. Rapport d
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Demolin, Didier. 1988. Some problem
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Greenberg, Joseph H. 1995. The conc
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International Phonetic Association.
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McCarthy, John J., and Alan S. Prin
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Pozzati, Aurelio. 1987. Vocabolario
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Thomas, Jacqueline M.-C. 1963. Le p
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