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Ladefoged, Peter, and Ian Maddieson. 1996. The sounds of the world’s languages. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. Larochette, J. 1958. Grammaire des dialectes mangbetu et medje, suivie d’un manuel de conversation et d’un lexique. (Sciences de L’homme 18.) Tervuren: Annales du Musée Royal du Congo Belge. Lehiste, Ilse. 1970. Suprasegmentals. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Levin, Beth. 1993. English verb classes and alternations: A preliminary investigation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Lieberman, Philip, and Sheila E. Blumstein. 1988. Speech physiology, speech perception, and acoustic phonetics. Cambridge Studies in Speech Science and Communication. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Liljencrants, Johan, and Björn Lindblom. 1972. Numerical simulation of vowel quality systems: The role of perceptual contrast. Language 48/4.839-62. Lim, François. 1997. Description linguistique du kare (phonologie-syntaxe). Paris: Université de la Sorbonne Nouvelle, Paris III Ph.D. dissertation. Lindau, Mona. 1984. Phonetic differences in glottalic consonants. Journal of Phonetics 12.147-55. Lisker, Leigh, and Arthur S. Abramson. 1964. A cross-language study of voicing in initial stops: Acoustic measurements. Word 20/3.384-422. Maddieson, Ian. 1984. Patterns of sounds. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Maddieson, Ian. 1989. Prenasalized stops and speech timing. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 19/2.57-66. Maddieson, Ian. 1993. Investigating Ewe articulations with electromagnetic articulography. Forschungsberichte des Instituts für Phonetik und Sprachliche Kommunikation der Universität München 31.181-214. Maddieson, Ian. 1997. Phonetic universals. The handbook of phonetic sciences, ed. by William J. Hardcastle and John Laver, 619-39. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. Maddieson, Ian, and Victoria Anderson. 1994. Phonetic structures of Iaai. UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics 87.163-82. Maes, Vedast. 1983. Les peuples de l’Ubangi: Notes ethno-historiques. Antwerp: Pères O.F.M. Capucins. Martinet, André. 1991 [1970]. Éléments de linguistique générale. 3rd edition. Paris: Armand Colin. 364
McCarthy, John J., and Alan S. Prince. 1995. Prosodic morphology. The handbook of phonological theory, ed. by John A. Goldsmith, 318-66. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. McKee, Robert G. 1991. The interpretation of consonants with semi-vowel release in Meje (Zaire) stems. Proceedings of the Third Nilo-Saharan Linguistics Colloquium, Kisumu, Kenya, August 4-9, 1986, ed. by Franz Rottland and Lucia N. Omondi, 181-95. Hamburg: H. Buske. Moehama, Elisée. 1994. Rapport d’enquête sociolinguistique: Première évaluation parmi les Yakpa. Bangui: SIL. Ms. Moehama, Elisée. 1995. Rapport d’enquête sociolinguistique: Première évaluation parmi les Yangere. Bangui: SIL. Ms. Mohrlang, Roger. 1972. Higi Phonology. (Studies in Nigerian Languages 2.) Zaria: Institute of Linguistics and Kano: Centre for the Study of Nigerian Languages, Abdullahi Bayero College, Ahmadu Bello University. Moñino, Yves (ed.) 1988. Lexique comparatif des langues oubangiennes. Paris: Geuthner. Moñino, Yves. 1995. Le proto-gbaya. Essai de linguistique comparative sur vingt-et-une langues d’Afrique centrale. (Langues et Cultures Africaines 20.) Paris: Peeters. Moñino, Yves, and Paulette Roulon. 1972. Phonologie du gbaya kara ’bodoe de Ndongue Bongowen (région de Bouar, République Centrafricaine). (Bibliothèque de la SELAF 31.) Paris: SELAF. Moseley, Christopher, and R.E. Asher. 1994. Atlas of the world’s languages. London, New York: Routledge. Newman, James L. 1995. The peopling of Africa: A geographic interpretation. New Haven: Yale University Press. Newman, Paul. 1995. On being right: Greenberg’s African linguistic classification and the methodological principles which underlie it. Bloomington: Institute for the Study of Nigerian Languages and Cultures, African Studies Program, Indiana University. Noss, Philip A. 1981. Gbaya: Phonologie et grammaire. Dialecte yaayuwee. Meiganga: Église Évangélique Luthérienne du Cameroun. Nougayrol, Pierre. 1999. Les parlers gula: Centrafricaine, Soudan, Tchad. Grammaire et lexique. Paris: CNRS Éditions. Ohala, John J., and Brian W. Eukel. 1987. Explaining the intrinsic pitch of vowels. In honor of Ilse Lehiste (Ilse Lehiste Pühendusteos), ed. by Robert Channan and Linda Shockey, 207-15. Netherlands Phonetic Archives 6. Dordrecht: Foris. 365
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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO THE PHONO
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TABLE OF CONTENTS VOLUME ONE LIST O
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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1: The lan
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LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1: Banda sub
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Rhodes, Jim Roberts, Doug Sampson,
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ABSTRACT In this dissertation, I de
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This dissertation is dedicated to t
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There are several languages in the
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The Bubanda region is located to th
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convincing. More will be said about
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Her phonological analysis consists
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study informing the internal classi
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men hunt small game, but large game
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third of CAR. At its peak, the Uban
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of Lingala is reduced, both for men
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language. Also, code switching is n
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Finally, several documents dealing
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with the contrast between sounds, a
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CHAPTER 2 PHONEMES In this chapter,
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4. Frequency of occurrence. If a so
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Mono consonants share several trait
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Despite the fact that the labial fl
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The data in (1) show sample contras
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However, contrasts are readily atte
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case of the pronouns. If the pronou
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2.2 Vowels b. Labial-velar and lab
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If = were reinterpreted as a low fr
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The data in (19) show sample contra
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= Table 2.1: Consonant-vowel combin
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CHAPTER 3 TONE The majority of Afri
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(3) Tautomorphemic words containing
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3.2 Grammatical tone Besides the le
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(13) a. = = = = = C=@( C=@( C=@( C=
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Certain locative adverbs in Mono ha
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CHAPTER 4 LABIALIZATION AND PALATAL
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tongue position in addition to a pr
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However, this is not what we find.
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4.2 Suggested interpretations Chao
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each vowel in the sequence. She con
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consonant to be lower in sonority t
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entire word as its domain, which wo
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phonemically as ia, or as a semi-vo
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is suggested by Blevin’s (1995: 2
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. Alveolar ⎯ J =J=H= =J=H= =J=H=
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this is that these words bear stres
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Arabic, Japanese, Lardil, Estonian,
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(3) Underlying forms of sample V1CV
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the words, ‘far’, F F F F
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The adjective == == == == ‘small
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One question which arises is whethe
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1994, Elders 2000), most of which f
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In my corpus of data, adverbs begin
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contains several morphemes are term
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(2) Sample animate nouns a. C> C> C
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Second, certain adjectives are lexi
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Thus, according to Kamanda’s hypo
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(13) Sample compound nouns in Mono
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element begins with a vowel, vowel
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Cloarec-Heiss (1972: 86) for Linda.
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121) considers this to be an unprod
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document clearly the formal propert
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Repetitive aspect (REP). The repeti
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(31) a. ( ( ( ( I( I( I( I( (F= (F=
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There is a plural form ( (, ( ( whi
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7.1.3 Prepositional morphology Most
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(45) a. I( I( I( I( (= (= (= (=
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(49) a. ( ( ( ( → ~
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which reduces to '' ' ' in casual s
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CHAPTER 8 ACOUSTIC PHONETICS While
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This chapter consists of four parts
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Figure 8.2: Waveform and spectrogra
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Figure 8.4: Waveform and spectrogra
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languages on one hand (Degema and t
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Figure 8.8: Waveform of the possibl
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Figure 8.12: Waveform and spectrogr
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oth Speakers A and K. In Speaker A
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In the tokens I examined, then, I f
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ief glottalic ingressive mechanism,
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labial-velar stops is shorter than
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formant transitions at the release
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(1973) suggest plotting F1 vs. F2',
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Table 8.4: Bandwidth averages. Unit
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Figure 8.30: Plot of F1 vs. F3 (Spe
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Second, the value of F2 for the Mon
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start of or H. The second vowel wa
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Words with only two syllables shoul
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presence of a nasal formant at the
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Figures 8.40 and 8.41 show spectrog
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Second, I argue in Chapter 4 that l
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transition from the secondary artic
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linguistic universals and tendencie
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The two secondary articulations fou
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APPENDIX A TEXTS This appendix cont
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( 11. “>== >== >== >== =( =( =( =
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20. “A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( == =
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33. “ @ @ @ @ J5(( J5(( J5(( J
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( 43. A@A A@A A@A A@A I( I( I( I( (
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( 55. J5A J5A J5A J5A =( =( =( =( =
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( ( ( =( =( =( =( ( ( ( ( MK( M
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( 9. =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK =LKHK A
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9. C> C> C> C> CA( CA( CA( CA( AC=
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Table A.2: Frequency counts of vowe
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=@AC =@AC =@AC =@AC n. bend, crook,
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== == == == M(A( M(A( M(A( M(A( n.
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(( ( >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= >==C>= CJ
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@A @A @A J5(( J5(( J5(( J5(( v. cho
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A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( CKIK CKIK n
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C=>= C=>= C=>= C=>= v. honor, admir
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C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= C>=@= CK> CK> CK>
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ADJ. sharp. F F ADJ. tart. ADJ
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=5A =5A =5A =5A =C= =C= =C= =C= n.
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=>= =>= =>= =>= n. knife. #0929. =(
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= = = = Variant: >= >= >= >= n. ill
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F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK F=IKHK n. slip
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ (>= (>= (>= (>= n.
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H >H >H >H (5( (5( (5( (5( v. be dr
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— @ @ @ @ — @= @= @= @= v. vomi
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C>@ C>@ C>@ C>@ AAF= AAF= AAF= AAF=
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(C>( (C>( (C>( (C>( Variant: =(C>(
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I I I I @ @ @ @ A(FA( A(FA( A(FA( A
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J=@= J=@= J=@= J=@= n. lamp, torch.
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— J5 J5 — J5=( J5=( PREP.
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KK KK KK KK n. thigh (the part of t
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M=H M=H M=H M=H n. manioc paste. M=
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=M=( =M=( =M=( =M=( n. bitter herbs
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APPENDIX C AN EVALUATION OF NIGER-C
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changes to Greenberg’s work. This
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Williamson bases much of her classi
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original division between the two b
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Stewart and Williamson interpret th
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C.3.1 Inclusion of Bantu within Nig
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Third, the supposedly borrowed word
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Watters (1989: 409) notes that *KCM
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Congo. Greenberg (1970) named it Ad
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is already satisfied, and thus form
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The second major issue with respect
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difference of syllable structure) a
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published and personally elicited.
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languages compared. Consider a triv
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sound correspondences, and thus has
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in that they most often come about
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approximating gross groupings, ther
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The International Phonetic Alphabet
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One question which arises immediate
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Table D.1: Genetic affiliation of l
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This is identical to what Catford (
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D.5 Phonological status D.5.1 Evalu
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7. Borrowed words. If the sound is
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(4) Contrast with other labial soun
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(7) Sample lexical items in Karang
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which are shown in (11). Third, the
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distribution of the labial flap bea
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In addition, we provide evidence co
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South Mofu [MIF] (Cameroon). Barret
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the mouth (Karanga) or ‘of flicki
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ilabial or labiodental. Lim conside
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words are found in those subgroups.
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‘joint’, CM CM CM CM ‘ankle
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Feroge [FER] (Sudan). Santandrea (1
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the Méré dialect in the words CKL
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Mvuba [MXH] (D. R. Congo). Demolin
Page 327 and 328: Labial flap (1) Files labfl1_11025.
Page 329 and 330: Implosives and labialization (7) Fi
Page 331 and 332: (23) Secondary articulations I(
Page 333 and 334: (36) M= M= ‘send’ =(J= =(J= =(J
Page 335 and 336: MK( MK( I( I( I( I( AA AA AA AA
Page 337 and 338: Table F.1, continued. d. Labial con
Page 339 and 340: Table F.1, continued. e. Labial co
Page 341 and 342: Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
Page 343 and 344: Table F.1, continued. e. Alveolar c
Page 345 and 346: Table F.1, continued. f. Palatal co
Page 347 and 348: Table F.1, continued. h. Palatal co
Page 349 and 350: Table F.1, continued. e. Velar/glot
Page 351 and 352: Table F.1, continued. d. Labial-vel
Page 353 and 354: Table F.2, continued. K E K@ K@
Page 355 and 356: Table F.3, continued. (12)
Page 357 and 358: Table F.4: Formant and bandwidth va
Page 359 and 360: Table F.4, continued. LA@= Spec 368
Page 361 and 362: Table F.4, continued. > Spec 326.
Page 363 and 364: Table F.4, continued. > Spec 532.86
Page 365 and 366: Table F.4, continued. > 5= Spec 619
Page 367 and 368: Table F.5, continued. E > 5= ‘two
Page 369 and 370: REFERENCES Arom, Simha, and France
Page 371 and 372: Buchanan, Michael. 1996. Rapport d
Page 373 and 374: Demolin, Didier. 1988. Some problem
Page 375 and 376: Greenberg, Joseph H. 1995. The conc
Page 377: International Phonetic Association.
Page 381 and 382: Pozzati, Aurelio. 1987. Vocabolario
Page 383 and 384: Thomas, Jacqueline M.-C. 1963. Le p
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