Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

More documents

Recommendations

Info

(14) a. It strikes me that... b. It is evident that... c. It was known that... In the corresponding cases is Catalan, the CPs are likely the be the I-subjects too: (15) a. Em sorprèn que... Me strikes that... b. És evident que... Is evident that... c. Era sabut que... Was known that... Now let's consider the CP Argument of semblar. There is evidence that this CP does not behave like a I-subject. In contrast to the CPs in 0, it can be pronominalized as an object clitic ho 'it', just as object CPs can: (16) a. Ho sembla, que vindrà It-ACC seems, that he-will-come b. Ho sé, que vindrà It-ACC I-know, that he-will-come None of the CPs in 0 can be pronominalized as ho. So, it appears that the non-raising version of semblar is a counterexample to our claim that AGR is always coindexed with an Argument, unless we were to admit that AGR is coindexed with an Accusative clitic, which would strongly weaken our hypothesis. 1 There seems to be no wide range of problematic cases: in Catalan, semblar (and some
other verbs we will consider below) are the only verbs with no apparent I-subject. So it seems reasonable not to give up our hypothesis and try to find a specific explanation for the behavior of semblar. Suppose we assume that semblar, like weather and similar verbs, has a quasi-Argument, which is the subject in the problematic examples. 55 At first glance, this position does not seem tenable: if the quasi-Argument is present with semblar + CP, it would block raising in the semblar + IP construction, since two Arguments (the quasi-Argument and the raising Argument) would be competing to coindex with AGR and become subjects of the main clause. On the other hand, if a theory of quasi-Arguments is to be taken seriously, we cannot assume that the quasi- Argument is optional and does not appear in the raising construction: quasi-Arguments should be subject to the Projection Principle and the Theta-Criterion: otherwise they would be nothing but a theoretical artifact used for our convenience. The solution to this puzzle that we propose is based on the following assumptions: there are two verbs semblar, one projecting a quasi-Argument and one not projecting it, the second one being the one allowing raising. 56 We will see that this distinction is plausible and makes the correct predictions. I think that the existence of two verbs semblar can be independently motivated on both semantic and syntactic grounds. Consider the following pair in Catalan: 55 Recall that the existence of quasi-Arguments is crucial for our account: without quasi-Arguments, all weather verbs would be problematic. 56 Hernanz (1982) arrives at a closely similar conclusion for the Spanish equivalent of semblar (parecer), which behaves exactly like semblar, as far as I know. Her arguments are based on essentially the same motivation, except that she does not face the problem of I-subjects and Burzio's Generalization. So, she does not consider the possibility of a quasi-Argument. Other differences will be pointed out later. 1
Page 1 and 2:
Jaume Solà i Pujols Agreement and
Page 3 and 4:
List of errata 1. Most significativ
Page 5 and 6:
Table of contents Acknowledgements.
Page 7 and 8:
4. CP I-subjects and Small Clauses.
Page 9 and 10:
I wish to express my gratitude to t
Page 11 and 12:
Chapter 1 Introduction The present
Page 13 and 14:
1. Aims and Scope of this Thesis Th
Page 15 and 16:
why infinitives in NSLs allow long
Page 17 and 18:
2.2. Subject Inversion Subject inve
Page 19 and 20:
Focus, which suggests this is a Foc
Page 21 and 22:
Thus the examples in 0 seem to indi
Page 23 and 24:
c. Comprarà el menjar en Joan aque
Page 25 and 26:
(10) a. Ha anat a casa en Joan Has
Page 27 and 28:
(13) Passives: a. Han estat posats
Page 29 and 30:
an AP, PP or NP predicate. As befor
Page 31 and 32:
to such a conflict, subject inversi
Page 33 and 34:
degraded constructions when the req
Page 35 and 36:
2.2.5. Floating Quantifiers Koopman
Page 37 and 38:
I will adopt the view that FQs unde
Page 39 and 40:
2.4. The Split INFL Hypothesis and
Page 41 and 42:
(38) Infinitives: a. No cal (?*semp
Page 43 and 44:
Chapter 2 Burzio's Generalization a
Page 45 and 46:
In the a. examples we have verbs as
Page 47 and 48:
2. Possible Solutions Based on CHAI
Page 49 and 50: 2.2. CHAINS A solution for the abov
Page 51 and 52: Both examples in 0 involve CHAINS c
Page 53 and 54: - null expletive-inverted subject C
Page 55 and 56: Partitive forces the DP receiving i
Page 57 and 58: 2.4.1. Empirical Problems The theor
Page 59 and 60: 2.4.2. Theoretical Problems Another
Page 61 and 62: (31) SS: Therei came a mani LF: A m
Page 63 and 64: expletive/Argument links as having
Page 65 and 66: (39) BT-status of I-subjects (accor
Page 67 and 68: (44) a. *Ho ha fet en Joan ell (mat
Page 69 and 70: G. it-has done he (SELF) / SE SELF
Page 71 and 72: Spanish (49) Ella misma estaba all
Page 73 and 74: (53) a. sich selbst (SE SELF) (emph
Page 75 and 76: element in the Romance NSLs (lui-m
Page 77 and 78: This suggests that in these languag
Page 79 and 80: analyzable as floating elements? Th
Page 81 and 82: (65) a. Juan mismo lo harà /**Juan
Page 83 and 84: sam/tuiton ]. When they are preverb
Page 85 and 86: (72) a. Gianni ha fatto (lui) il la
Page 87: (75) I-subjects in NSLs: a. empty p
Page 90 and 91: which we deal with in the next sect
Page 92 and 93: not assigned until S-structure. The
Page 94 and 95: A piece of support for the above hy
Page 96 and 97: Suppose that in both cases no DP is
Page 98 and 99: (12) At D-structure, the obligatory
Page 102 and 103: (17) a. Sembla que està cansat See
Page 104 and 105: (21) A- Estàs cansat? Are you tire
Page 106 and 107: (or CP) as an alternative to the (p
Page 108 and 109: (30) a. Plou sense PRO semblar que
Page 110 and 111: (32) a. *Em sembla que plogui Me se
Page 112 and 113: (36) Diu que es casen Says that the
Page 114 and 115: contrast with Catalan (and Spanish)
Page 116 and 117: violates some locality condition on
Page 118 and 119: every member of the extended Chain
Page 120 and 121: (45) a. ?*Which book does it seem t
Page 122 and 123: containing a Case conflict. In othe
Page 124 and 125: (51) Spec of AGR is rich iff it is
Page 126 and 127: 0 makes the prediction that T to AG
Page 128 and 129: In Chapter 4 we will use Chain-exte
Page 130 and 131: (59) a. Spec of AGR need not be obl
Page 132 and 133: 2.3.2. Anaphoric Copulative Constru
Page 134 and 135: (63) Yusuf mà huwa nafsuhu J. not
Page 136 and 137: taking English and Catalan as repre
Page 138 and 139: (69) Greek: a. O KóstasNom íne [
Page 140 and 141: (72) [ DP o [ NP eaftós [ tu ] ] ]
Page 142 and 143: pronominals and it is quite rich. T
Page 144 and 145: additional requirement of a Case-po
Page 146 and 147: postverbal subject in 0.c), which c
Page 148 and 149: (81) a. Com que estava cansat, en J
Page 150 and 151:
(84) a. El cotxe d'en Joani, ell (m
Page 152 and 153:
0.c) is ungrammatical because there
Page 154 and 155:
- FQs, even if generated in A-posit
Page 156 and 157:
(93) At D-structure, AGR must be co
Page 158 and 159:
(97) a. AGR must have an AGR-identi
Page 160 and 161:
(100) ser... [ SC jo el president ]
Page 162 and 163:
Since Binding Theory plays a crucia
Page 164 and 165:
(107) a. There have developed typho
Page 166 and 167:
general view. 92 I will not develop
Page 168 and 169:
(114) No agreement: a. Il y a des e
Page 170 and 171:
(116) If a non-NSL does not show ov
Page 172 and 173:
I think the above evidence is rathe
Page 174 and 175:
(125) a. CPs cannot be (directly) C
Page 176 and 177:
linked to an it-expletive, which do
Page 178 and 179:
(136) a. Où (dis-tu qu') est allé
Page 180 and 181:
particles. 102 The correlation seem
Page 182 and 183:
(139) 6-person paradigm with a pron
Page 184 and 185:
(which is met by Brazilian Portugue
Page 186 and 187:
We have tacitly assumed that in the
Page 188 and 189:
predicted by Rizzi's (1991-b) theor
Page 190 and 191:
Another issue to consider is Chomsk
Page 193 and 194:
Chapter 4 Infinitival Constructions
Page 195 and 196:
section 1.3. 1.1. Parallelism betwe
Page 197 and 198:
(5) a. He tried [ to be himself/*hi
Page 199 and 200:
c. No diu mai la veritat (Catalan)
Page 201 and 202:
allowing 'if'-infinitives: (11) a.
Page 203 and 204:
(15) [ I' V o [ I' [ I o cl I o ] ]
Page 205 and 206:
genitive position. Suppose this NP
Page 207 and 208:
infinitives. 113 This generalizatio
Page 209 and 210:
(21) *John doesn't remember if [ IP
Page 211 and 212:
positions inside the (strict) NP. I
Page 213 and 214:
(25) Votar en Joan, em sembla que n
Page 215 and 216:
We assumed that AGR o is the unmark
Page 217 and 218:
controlled. To obtain this result w
Page 219 and 220:
(32) [ X o AGR o i ] [ AGRP [ PRO P
Page 221 and 222:
(34) Sempre/mai /ja /encara (*en Jo
Page 223 and 224:
'nominal' and 'adverbial' FC head.
Page 225 and 226:
was less fixed (subject to the Tobl
Page 227 and 228:
To the extent these data cast doubt
Page 229 and 230:
enclisis (English, French, Occitan,
Page 231 and 232:
An important question arises here.
Page 233 and 234:
ecome the AGR-identifier, a favored
Page 235 and 236:
This fact should be due to some res
Page 237 and 238:
(54) a. El libro, parece [ IP haber
Page 239 and 240:
As for Occitan, it does apparently
Page 241 and 242:
Chain, so there is no trace in the
Page 243 and 244:
(63) a. Dicitur eos venisse Said-is
Page 245 and 246:
therefore, not a Case-position. The
Page 247 and 248:
(72) Non keljo a vénnere tue Not I
Page 249 and 250:
(74) Fer (???en Joan) la feina (en
Page 251 and 252:
ecause control would be a universal
Page 253 and 254:
should be able to derive the existe
Page 255 and 256:
In order to account for these facts
Page 257 and 258:
2.4.2. IOS with a Subject in Specif
Page 259 and 260:
under a FC: perhaps under T o itsel
Page 261 and 262:
Summing up, Nominative assignment w
Page 263 and 264:
Chapter 5 Preverbal Subjects in NSL
Page 265 and 266:
NSLs are not dislocated must admit
Page 267 and 268:
In fact, the non-dislocated version
Page 269 and 270:
many of the proposals coincide in c
Page 271 and 272:
) CLLD elements: (10) a. *Studenti
Page 273 and 274:
(13) He enviat tres exemplars a qua
Page 275 and 276:
(17) CLLD elements: a. (A) un/algun
Page 277 and 278:
(18) a. 1. *Res (*en Joan) ho ha fe
Page 279 and 280:
To many of-these today not them-hav
Page 281 and 282:
(19) a. 1. A ningú (*crec que) l'h
Page 283 and 284:
0 c. 1. ?A pocs assistents els havi
Page 285 and 286:
2. Nessuno (questa volta) ha passat
Page 287 and 288:
All (this time) have passed the-exa
Page 289 and 290:
Another well-known fact points to t
Page 291 and 292:
the highest FC below CP is (in fini
Page 293 and 294:
(27) In a FC, the AGR component imp
Page 295 and 296:
I will contend that in Romance NSLs
Page 297 and 298:
languages. If so, in 0 en Joan woul
Page 299 and 300:
to V+INFL movement to C o . Since,
Page 301 and 302:
the issue here. 176 The main proble
Page 303 and 304:
The suggestion in d) that non-NSLs
Page 305 and 306:
AGR-less), this position should be
Page 307 and 308:
References Adams, M. (1987) Old Fre
Page 309 and 310:
OTS, Utrecht, pp. 1-7. Everaert, M.
Page 311 and 312:
Larson, R.K. (1991) "Promise and th
Page 313 and 314:
Cambridge, MA. Rizzi, L. (1989-b) O
show all

Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?