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language.
Russian and Georgian raise a similar problem: in these languages there is SELF element
(resp.: sam/tuiton) which can be adjoined to a DP:
- Russian: Vanja/on sam : John/he SELF
- Georgian: Vanom/man tuiton : John/he SELF
This element can float when construed with the subject:
(67) a. Russian: Vanja sdelal eto sam
V. did it SELF
b. Georgian: Vanom gaalata es tuiton
V. did it SELF
Actually Russian is not a full-fledged NSL. Georgian is a strongly non-configurational
language (tuiton can in fact float almost anywhere, the only restriction being that it cannot non-
adjacently precede the DP it is construed with). So it might be that there is something to these
languages which cannot be captured in our analysis. In any event, our claim is that [ DP t SELF ]
(where t is a trace) is not a possible I-subject in a NSL is not strictly falsified in Russian or
Georgian, for sam/tuiton can cooccur with a null subject in preverbal position:
(68) a. Sam sdelal eto / Sdelal eto sam
1
SELF did it Did it SELF
'He himself did it'/ 'He did it himself'
b. Tuiton gaalata es / Gaalata es tuiton
SELF did it Did it SELF
'He himself did it'/ 'He did it himself'
We could then claim that sam/tuiton, when I-subjects, occur in the configuration [ DP pro