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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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(125) a. CPs cannot be (directly) Case-marked. CPs can escape being Case-marked by<br />

having recourse to:<br />

- extraposition.<br />

- being associated to an it-expletive.<br />

b. CPs cannot occupy specifier positions at any level of representation.<br />

According to 0.a) two options are available for the CP complement of accept: 100<br />

(126) a. I accept ti [ CP that... ]i (extraposition)<br />

b. I accept iti [ CP that... ]i (it-expletive)<br />

According to 0.b), only the it-expletive option is available for subject CPs:<br />

(127) a. It is evi<strong>de</strong>nt that...<br />

b. I consi<strong>de</strong>r it evi<strong>de</strong>nt that...<br />

Now consi<strong>de</strong>r NSLs. We have claimed that there-expletives do not exist in NSLs. We<br />

also claim that no expletive exists in subject inversion constructions. This is a natural assumption<br />

un<strong>de</strong>r the view that such kinds of expletives are merely formal AGR-i<strong>de</strong>ntifiers, and are not<br />

necessary in languages where Spec of AGR is not he AGR-i<strong>de</strong>ntifier. It-expletives, on the other<br />

hand, are of a different nature, as we have argued. Since they fulfil the important role of linking<br />

CPs to A-positions, they should be in principle universally available.<br />

Rizzi (1986) argues convincingly that null expletives exist in V-governed positions in<br />

Italian. The essential of his argumentations goes as follows. Some languages (such as Italian)<br />

100 Only the extraposition option is available for the CP<br />

complement of other verbs like say or think. The explanation for<br />

these facts could lie on the different status of subcategorized<br />

CP complements.<br />

1

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