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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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should be able to <strong>de</strong>rive the existence of IOS-INV from the NSL status.<br />

Concerning this last <strong>de</strong>si<strong>de</strong>ratum, it could be the case that IOS with a [-anaphoric] I-<br />

subject is parasitic on the existence on long V-movement in infinitives, which, crucially in our<br />

theory, allows Nominative assignment through Chain-government, and in turn would be parasitic<br />

on the existence of such a long movement in controlled/raising constructions, taking control to be<br />

a core case of infinitive that learners use to set parametric options in this field of grammar.<br />

The i<strong>de</strong>a then would be that once there is long V-movement, Nominative assignment by<br />

government is possible, even if AGR does not take part in the process. Our previous proposal<br />

concerning Case is that the AGR-i<strong>de</strong>ntifier must provi<strong>de</strong> Case to its I-subject. If it is Spec of<br />

AGR, it must transmit its Case to the I-subject. If it is AGR o , we claimed, it must Case-mark the<br />

I-subject.<br />

Suppose we assume, alternatively, that the requirement is of the type: the AGR-i<strong>de</strong>ntifier<br />

must participate in providing Case to the I-subject. If it is Spec of AGR, we have Case<br />

transmission. If it is AGR o , and therefore Case is provi<strong>de</strong>d by (Chain-)government, it must<br />

combine with a head that is the actual Nominative Case-marker by government: T o . Thus it is not<br />

only finite T o which is a Nominative assigner, as has been claimed so often: the fact that<br />

infinitival T o is not apparently able to assign Case would be due to the in<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nt requirements<br />

on AGR, that must participate in the process, if AGR is (forced to be) present. If AGR is not<br />

present, then T o can assign Nominative by itself. Why can it not in non-NSLs? The i<strong>de</strong>a would<br />

be that in NSLs the case where T o assigns Nominative by itself (in IOS) is not at variance with<br />

the case where T o combines with AGR o . Suppose we rephrase the parallelism principle 0 above<br />

as:<br />

(77) In the unmarked Case, the I-subject in infinitives obtains Case in the same way as in<br />

finite sentences (where 'same' means involving sets of processes that are 'unifiable' in the<br />

set-theoretical sense). 142<br />

142 An alternative (and only apparently simpler) formulation<br />

1

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