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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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- a full DP or pronominal (subject inversion).<br />

- a variable, which accounts for the absence of that-t effects. 75<br />

- a pro, which is licenced by the AGR i<strong>de</strong>ntifier, which recovers its content.<br />

The last point is one where the present theory differs from standard assumptions. In<br />

section 2.4. we will address the question. In the next section we will provi<strong>de</strong> some in<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nt<br />

evi<strong>de</strong>nce for the <strong>de</strong>finition of Binding Domain we have postulated.<br />

One obvious alternative to the rather intricate <strong>de</strong>finition of Binding Domain we have<br />

proposed to account for the facts would be the following: preverbal subjects in NSLs are not A-<br />

positions, and therefore do not count for Binding Theory. Then the I-subject cannot be<br />

[+anaphoric] because as such it would have no possible A-bin<strong>de</strong>r. In Chapter 5 we are going to<br />

discuss the status of preverbal subjects in NSLs. Although the conclusion will be that they do not<br />

have the same status as in non-NSLs, I prefer not to commit myself to the claim that they are not<br />

A-positions: nowadays, within the internal subject hypothesis, the concept of A-position is a<br />

<strong>de</strong>licate question, and I have tried to make my theory orthogonal to the issue. If the notion of A-<br />

position is to be kept, however, I adhere to Rizzi's (1991) proposal, which likely would give the<br />

result that preverbal subjects are A-positions in NSLs. For a different matter, Rizzi's <strong>de</strong>finition of<br />

A-position (which makes Spec of AGR-object in French an A-position) will be crucially used in<br />

Chapter 4, section 6, to account for French exceptional behaviour as a non-NSL.<br />

75 We adhere to Rizzi's (1982-b) contention that in NSLs it<br />

is the postverbal subject position that (exclusively) allows Whmovement<br />

without that-t effects. We account for the availability<br />

of the postverbal source for Wh-movement, and we are also in a<br />

position to account for the exclusiveness of this source, i.e.,<br />

why is it that preverbal subjects are not extracted by some<br />

that-<strong>de</strong>letion or equivalent means in NSLs, if Rizzi is right in<br />

claiming that this never happens: as we will see in Chapter 5,<br />

preverbal subjects are not candidates for Wh-extraction because<br />

they are dislocated-like elements resumed by a pronominal in the<br />

I-subject position.<br />

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